Wandering the World of the Old Masters: Notes from a Private Journey
Travelling in the company of Old Masters in shifting roles as observer, listener or sometime companion, this page is kept as a quiet pastime. It is part notebook, part informal journal, a collection of phone images and reflections drawn from encounters with old artworks and places where the past still lingers. All pictures are taken by me, and all thoughts written during slow travels and unhurried visits, where time allows for second looks and quiet returns.The works and spaces gathered here were made in a world different from ours, yet they continue to ask things of us—not answers, but attention; not certainty, but time. These pages offer no final word, only a shared space in which looking, questioning, and returning might still matter. Yvo Reinsalu
Cornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, LondonCornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, London
Paintings of musicians from the mid-seventeenth century often linger at the threshold between sound and silence. Figures pause as if caught before a note can form, and the instrument becomes a register of temperament rather than performance.
In this period the viola da gamba carried a distinctive cultural charge as the most cultivated of the bowed instruments, associated with private study, intellectual refinement and a quiet, often melancholic composure. Its rich tone, unlike the violin’s brightness or the rustic character of village instruments, made it the favoured companion of scholars and the well-educated. Dutch inventories and contemporary poetry cast it as an emblem of inward discipline and reflective attention, an object whose physical integrity was tied to the steadiness of its player. Emblematic writing often used broken instruments to mark a lapse of judgement or a gift allowed to decay, and in still-life contexts the motif could allude more gently to fragility rather than to outright moral failure.
The viola da gamba in this painting stands at the intersection of these meanings. It is not worn down by time but torn apart by conduct: its upper bass string snapped, its soundboard gashed, its noble voice extinguished. Its owner, already drunk and offered more wine, holds it with the careless indifference of someone already turned away from his own capacities. For a seventeenth-century viewer the meaning would have settled quickly. An instrument associated with learning, discipline and interior balance appears in the hands of a man who has abandoned those qualities. The silence or bad sound it now holds becomes an image of that surrender: the noble voice is gone, and the shattered instrument forms the centre of the scene, a reminder of how swiftly inner steadiness and harmony can falter when judgement is lost and the violence of drink breaks the instrument apart.
Cornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, LondonCornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, LondonCornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, LondonCornelis Stangerus (1616-1667), A man playing a viola da gamba being offered a glass of wine by a young man, Oil on canvas, 122.5 x 102.2 cm, Old Masters to Modern Day Sale, 3 December , Christie’s, London
Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, 1472–1477, Rome, possibly designed by Baccio Pontelli (active c. 1470–1490) and Andrea Bregno (active c. 1460–1503), rebuilt under Pope Sixtus IV (1414 – 1484)
Old buildings almost never endure as single, resolved statements. Time will not allow it. They are reworked, broken open, refitted to new purposes, and the line between survival and alteration grows indistinct. What we inherit is not an intact structure but a surface of revisions: each century laying down its own syntax upon the remains of the last. The past is legible, but only through interference. The vitality of architecture lies in this slow corrosion of purity—in the way new meanings press against old walls, creating a texture of historical unease. By reading these surfaces closely, one can discern the boundaries between epochs.
The Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo in Rome embodies this process with exceptional clarity. Founded by Pope Paschal II in 1099 and entirely rebuilt under Pope Sixtus IV between 1472 and 1477, it was among the first great expressions of Renaissance order in the city. Its measured proportions, groin vaults and luminous interior established a language of equilibrium that later patrons continuously redefined.
Over the following centuries, cardinals and noble families transformed this little church into a sequence of private monuments, each reflecting its moment in Roman taste—from Pinturicchio’s quattrocento frescoes and Gian Cristoforo Romano’s sculpted classicism to Raphael’s harmonious geometry, Caravaggio’s violent illumination, and Bernini’s exuberant ornament. The result is not a unified style but a living archive of artistic dialogue.
The Renaissance chapels preserve the calm geometry of the church’s original conception. The Della Rovere Chapel, painted by Pinturicchio in the 1470s, still reflects the lucid linearity and brilliant colour of the early Renaissance, while the Costa Chapel, completed around 1505 for Cardinal Jorge da Costa, contains Gian Cristoforo Romano’s marble Dossal, a tripartite aedicule framed by Corinthian pilasters and shell-headed niches whose stillness is defined by light rather than shadow.
Raphael’s Chigi Chapel, begun in 1513, extended this classical balance into a domed, centralised plan uniting sculpture and mosaic; yet Bernini’s completion of it in the 1650s transformed stillness into movement, marking the church’s gradual shift toward Baroque theatricality.
The rupture becomes most vivid in the Cerasi Chapel, where Caravaggio’s Conversion of Saint Paul and Crucifixion of Saint Peter (1600–1601) introduced a pictorial language so immediate that it seemed to violate the calm architecture around it. In his canvases, light explodes from darkness, space collapses into the viewer’s field, and the sacred assumes the texture of the real.
Contemporary observers, accustomed to the idealised balance of the Renaissance, were probably astonished by this raw naturalism. Giovanni Baglione later described Caravaggio’s manner as ‘altamente naturale e terribile nel suo chiaroscuro’, recognising both its truth and its shock. Within the same church that had once embodied composure and harmony, art now demanded confrontation and awe.
The church remains a microcosm of Rome itself—a city built on renewal, where every act of preservation is also an act of transformation, and where the dialogue between order and invention has never ceased.
Giovanni di Stefano (active c. 1450–1506), Tomb of Cardinal Pietro Foscari, c. 1480, Marble, Costa Chapel (Chapel of Saint Catherine), Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeCerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Conversion of Saint Paul, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, RomeMichelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610), Conversion of Saint Paul, 1600–1601, Oil on canvas, 230 × 175 cm, Cerasi Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Ercole Antonio Raggi (1624–1686), Cantoria dell’organo (right choir loft), 1656–1657, Marble and gilded wood, after a design by Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680), Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Bernardino Mei (1612–1676), The Holy Family with Angels and Symbols of the Passion, c. 1658, Oil on canvas, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, 1472–1477, Rome, possibly designed by Baccio Pontelli (active c. 1470–1490) and Andrea Bregno (active c. 1460–1503), rebuilt under Pope Sixtus IVChigi Chapel, the Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Pasquale de’ Rossi (1641–1722), The Baptism of Christ, c.1674, Altarpiece for the Montemirabile Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Pinturicchio (c. 1454–1513), Madonna and Child with Saints, 1488–1490, Fresco, Basso Della Rovere Chapel, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome Leonardo Sormani (active c. 1550–1590), Funeral Monument of Vincenzo Parenzi, c. 1585, Marble, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome The Costa Chapel (also known as the Chapel of Saint Catherine), c. 1505, Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome. Commissioned by Cardinal Jorge da Costa (1406–1508), the chapel is situated in the south aisle of the basilica and contains Gian Cristoforo Romano’s marble Dossal of Saint Catherine of Alexandria, framed by Corinthian pilasters and shell-headed niches, along with frescoes attributed to Pinturicchio (c. 1454–1513)
‘…he found a most supple manner of colouring, and in his tones so close to the truth that one may truly say it goes step for step with nature.’ — Lodovico Dolce, Dialogo della pittura intitolato l’Aretino (Venice, 1557)
Titian (c.1488/90–1576), St Dominic, c.1565–1569, Oil on canvas, 97 × 80 cm, Galleria Borghese, Rome
Few painters have left so continuous an imprint on European art as Titian (Tiziano Vecellio). His treatment of colour, his handling of light as a living substance, and his dissolution of form into atmosphere reshaped the very purpose of painting. His legacy influenced painters and artistic traditions across Europe, transforming not only technique and composition but the very conception of art as a form of thought. Even his late single-figure works—stripped of spectacle yet charged with melancholy and interiority—were endlessly studied, copied, and reinterpreted, providing later generations with a model of how painting could become a medium of reflection.
The saint, founder of the Ordo Praedicatorum (Order of Preachers), appears half-length before a dark, indeterminate ground. The light falls gently across the white tunic and black cappa of the Dominican habit, striking the head and the raised right hand, which points heavenward with restrained precision. The composition is reduced to essentials—no attribute, no landscape, no architectural frame. The faint halo hovers almost imperceptibly above the head, while the saint’s gaze, turned slightly to the side yet contemplative, replaces action with reflection. The inscription ‘TICIANUS’ is not autograph, and, as with most sixteenth-century canvases, the painting has been relined and altered several times, the present format reflecting these cumulative modifications.
The image achieves meaning through economy. The upward hand, calm but deliberate, links human intellect and divine illumination. For the Praedicatores, to preach (praedicare) was to reveal truth perceived through contemplation. Titian renders this idea through gesture: the extended finger becomes the visible sign of the mind’s ascent to faith. The subtle turn of the head and the measured stillness of the body express the balance between understanding and revelation. The picture thus visualises the Dominican ideal contemplata aliis tradere—to hand on to others the fruit of contemplation—yet does so without speech or symbol, transforming doctrine into vision.
Technically, the painting represents Titian’s late procedures at their most refined. The brushwork is loose, the pigment thinned to translucency, the forms created by modulated light rather than line. The restricted palette of black, white, and warm flesh tones evokes the monastic discipline of the order itself. The dark habit and pale robe carry both compositional clarity and moral meaning: black signifying penitence and humility, white signifying enlightenment. The saint’s face, softly modelled and half absorbed by shadow, emerges from the surrounding darkness like a thought taking form. The result is not descriptive but meditative, a painting that thinks rather than narrates.
By the 1560s Titian was approaching eighty and still active in Venice. His correspondence with Philip II attests to his ongoing royal commissions, yet his private work increasingly turned toward solitary figures—The Penitent Magdalene, St Jerome, the unfinished Pietà. These paintings mark a deliberate withdrawal from public narrative into interior space. Their loosened brushwork and subdued tonal range convey a spiritual quiet that approaches abstraction. St Dominic, smaller and more intimate, belongs to this final meditation on faith and mortality. The surface, thin and luminous, gives the impression of a form suspended between matter and thought.
Saint Dominic (c.1170–1221), the Castilian founder of the Ordo Praedicatorum, was revered in sixteenth-century Venice as the exemplar of intellectual piety. His order’s name—Praedicatores, the Preachers—embodied the union of study and revelation. In Titian’s rendering, that intellectual mission becomes an inward act. The saint’s raised hand no longer delivers words; it signifies comprehension itself, the instant before utterance. The painting captures that pause between knowledge and expression—the silent eloquence of faith.
Although Titian died in 1576, decades before the Baroque, his art made the Baroque imaginable. He replaced the Renaissance pursuit of structure with the exploration of perception; he transformed colour into the substance of emotion and light into a vehicle of revelation. In Rubens’s ardent flesh, in Van Dyck’s reflective portraits, in Velázquez’s dissolving air, one encounters Titian’s language translated into new idioms. His late single-figure compositions, including St Dominic, continued to be studied, copied, and reinterpreted for centuries. Through them, Titian provided painting with its most enduring legacy—the idea that vision itself can become a form of thought, and that through light, the invisible might be seen.
Titian (c.1488/90–1576), St Dominic, c.1565–1569, Oil on canvas, 97 × 80 cm, Galleria Borghese, RomeTitian (c.1488/90–1576), St Dominic, c.1565–1569, Oil on canvas, 97 × 80 cm, Galleria Borghese, Rome
Giovanni Lanfranco (1582–1647), The Assumption of the Virgin in the glory of Paradise, 1625–1627, Sant’Andrea della Valle, Rome Mattia Preti ( 613-1699), The Crucifixion of Saint Andrew, Fresco, 650 x 400 cm, Sant’Andrea della Valle, Rome
In the opening decades of the seventeenth century, Rome became the proving ground for a new artistic language—an experiment in how space, light, and illusion might merge into an architecture of faith. What emerged there was not merely a local idiom but a prototype for European Baroque vision, built upon the fusion of painterly illusionism and structural invention centred on the dome-crossing.
Among Rome’s more than 1,600 churches, the Basilica of Sant’Andrea della Valle stands at the point of transition between the disciplined ideals of the late sixteenth-century Counter-Reformation and the sensorial theatre of the Baroque.
The church was entrusted to the Theatines, or Clerics Regular of Divine Providence, a congregation founded in 1524 by Gian Pietro Carafa (1476–1559), later Pope Paul IV, whose reforming zeal left a powerful imprint on its aesthetic principles. In 1591 Cardinal Alfonso Gesualdo (1540–1603), protector of the order, initiated construction as an emblem of the Theatine ideal of disciplined spirituality. He called upon Giacomo della Porta (c.1532–1602) and Pier Paolo Olivieri (c.1551–1599), two architects of contrasting temperaments: della Porta, whose architectural vocabulary balanced Renaissance geometry with emerging Baroque dynamism, and Olivieri, a sculptor steeped in the ornamental sophistication of late Roman Mannerism. Under their joint direction, foundations and convent were laid in 1591; between 1594 and 1596 the main walls rose, and by 1599 the chapels and nave vault were largely complete. After Olivieri’s death that year, Francesco Grimaldi (1543–1613) continued the work, maintaining the measured symmetry characteristic of the late Renaissance. Yet Gesualdo’s death in 1603 brought a financial collapse that stalled progress for five years, revealing how dependent monumental architecture remained on the fortunes of individual patrons.
The project was revived with new ambition under Cardinal Alessandro Peretti di Montalto (1571–1623), grandnephew of Pope Sixtus V, whose extraordinary financial support and taste for architectural magnificence transformed Sant’Andrea into a statement of Catholic triumphalism. Under the direction of Carlo Maderno (1556–1629), the design expanded dramatically. The nave was extended, the spatial axis clarified, and the dome—second in size only to that of St Peter’s—became the focus of the entire interior. Completed in 1623, it was crowned by a lantern executed in refined stone by a young Francesco Borromini (1599–1667), then apprenticed in Maderno’s workshop. The vaults and roofs were finished by 1625, and though the interior was ready for the jubilee of 1650, the façade remained absent until 1655, when Carlo Rainaldi (1611–1691) refined Maderno’s conception into the dignified façade we see today. The final phase was financed by Cardinal Francesco Peretti di Montalto (1597–1655) and personally supported by Pope Alexander VII Chigi (1599–1667; reigned 1655–1667), whose patronage is still recorded in the dedicatory inscription.
After 1620, the Theatines turned their attention to the interior decoration, initiating one of the defining pictorial experiments of the Roman Baroque. Their programme brought together two painters of the Bolognese school whose temperaments perfectly embodied the opposing poles of early seventeenth-century painting: Domenichino (Domenico Zampieri, 1581–1641), the architect of classical order and moral clarity, and Giovanni Lanfranco (1582–1647), whose pictorial imagination sought ecstasy through movement and light. Both had studied under Annibale Carracci (1560–1609) and inherited his ideal of painting as a moral and intellectual enterprise. Yet in Sant’Andrea della Valle they would test how far that ideal could stretch between reason and revelation.
The project unfolded under the brief papacy of Gregory XV (Alessandro Ludovisi, 1554–1623; reigned 1621–1623), himself from Bologna. His nephew, Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi (1595–1632), supported Domenichino as the painter best suited to embody the measured dignity of the Carracci tradition. Cardinal Montalto, who still controlled the site, sought compromise between patronal factions. Domenichino was assigned the pendentives and apse vault, while Lanfranco received the dome—an arrangement that effectively institutionalised the stylistic polarity between rational structure and ecstatic illusion that defined the Baroque.
Between 1621 and 1625, Domenichino executed the frescoes of the apse, a cycle that distils the intellectual poise and moral discipline of the Bolognese school. The vault and conch recount key episodes from the life of Saint Andrew: The Calling of Saints Peter and Andrew, Saint Andrew Led to Martyrdom, and The Burial of Saint Andrew. Each composition is conceived with lucid order and deliberate gesture, transforming narrative into moral meditation. On the pendentives, the four Evangelists are enthroned in grave composure, their stillness counterbalancing the dome’s ascent. Domenichino’s classicism—heir to Raphael’s serenity and to the ethical clarity of the Carracci reform—translates faith into reasoned endurance rather than rapture. Through his synthesis of painting and architecture, the apse becomes an image of disciplined devotion: an art of conviction and restraint, where belief is expressed not in ecstasy but in composure.
Lanfranco’s Assumption of the Virgin (1625–1627) turned the dome above into a revelation of motion and light. It shows the Virgin ascending toward Christ amid a celestial tumult of angels and saints. At the summit, Christ descends from the lantern to receive his mother; beneath, the Virgin, robed in red and blue, rises from a vortex of clouds filled with patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and heroines of Scripture. Two putti crown her with a garland of roses, while angelic musicians circle above and seven cherubs support festoons of fruit and flowers near the lantern’s base. Among the lower figures, Saint Andrew holds the cross of his martyrdom as he welcomes the Theatine Saint Andrea Avellino (1521–1608; canonised 1624) into Paradise, while Saint Peter greets Saint Cajetan (1480–1547), founder of the order. Light radiates from Christ, dissolving the figures nearest the lantern into luminous air, then gaining substance in the lower clouds through tones of pink, yellow, grey, orange, green, and violet. The composition, recalling Correggio’s domes in Parma yet magnified to Roman scale, also reveals the influence of Rubens in its draperies and Bernini in the charged gestures of its ascending figures.
Lanfranco’s dome astonished contemporaries and inaugurated a new phase in Baroque decoration, where painting and architecture were bound together by light itself. The contrast between Domenichino’s calm order and Lanfranco’s exuberant vision embodies the Baroque paradox: the reconciliation of intellect and rapture, structure and ecstasy. Seen from the nave, the frescoes form a vertical continuum—from the martyrdom and endurance of Saint Andrew below to the radiant vision of the Assumption above—visualising the Counter-Reformation theology of salvation: faith tested on earth, transfigured in heaven.
The decoration of the high altar, executed around 1650 by Mattia Preti (1613–1699), introduced a final voice into this dialogue. His frescoes—The Raising of the Cross, The Crucifixion of Saint Andrew, and The Burial of Saint Andrew—extend the theological sequence from sacrifice to glory.Conceived for the Theatine order, Preti’s work combines Caravaggesque gravity with a grandeur suited to the liturgical setting. His Crucifixion, with the cross seen at a diagonal against a luminous sky, dominates the visual axis of the nave and sets the emotional tone for the interior, extending the theological arc from sacrifice to glory.
Sant’Andrea della Valle thus becomes a monument to the creative tension that defined early Baroque Rome. Its unity is not harmonious but dialectical, built upon contrast—between Maderno’s structural order and Lanfranco’s illusion, Domenichino’s intellectual poise and Preti’s carnal immediacy. Within its vast nave, faith is staged as both conflict and resolution, devotion as both reasoning and spectacle.
The artistic ideals forged at Sant’Andrea della Valle would soon resonate beyond Rome. In 1631, Domenichino accepted the commission for the Chapel of the Treasury of San Gennaro in the Cathedral of Naples, where he worked for a decade on pendentives, lunettes, and scenes from the life of Saint Gennaro, translating his Roman classicism into frescoes of monumental gravity. Yet hostility and illness darkened his final years, and he died in 1641, leaving the dome—the intended culmination of his design—unfinished. Soon after, Lanfranco was summoned to complete what his rival had left undone. In 1643 he painted his Paradiso, a whirling vision of saints and angels ascending toward a radiant Christ, dissolving the architecture into light. Naples thus witnessed the final dialogue between the two painters: Domenichino’s disciplined theology yielding to Lanfranco’s luminous ecstasy, earth answering heaven, intellect contending with revelation.
Sant’Andrea della Valle, however, stands as the true matrix of this exchange—the point at which the Baroque synthesis of architecture, painting, and light first achieved structural and intellectual coherence. Its vast interior is not a simple unity of style but a theatre of competing visions, where architecture becomes the stage upon which divergent temperaments contend for authority. Maderno’s monumental design, disciplined in geometry yet expansive in spatial ambition, provided the architectural armature through which painting could aspire to the condition of vision. Upon this framework, Domenichino, Lanfranco, and later Preti enacted a dialogue that transformed the building into an arena of artistic and theological debate.
Yet it is Sant’Andrea della Valle that remains the matrix of this exchange. There, for the first time, the Baroque synthesis of architecture, painting, and light achieved full structural and intellectual coherence. The church is not a unity of style but a theatre of competing visions, where architecture becomes the stage upon which divergent temperaments enact the drama of belief. Maderno’s geometric armature provides the architectural grammar; Domenichino articulates moral clarity within it; Lanfranco transforms it into rapture; and Preti returns it to the human body. The result is equilibrium through opposition—a dynamic system where intellect and passion, structure and illusion, coexist in perpetual dialogue.
Viewed as a whole, Sant’Andrea della Valle encapsulates the complexity of the Roman Baroque: not a fixed style but a living negotiation between theology and spectacle, discipline and invention. Here, architecture no longer confines painting but partners with it in revelation. In the interplay of stone and light, of moral measure and visionary excess, the basilica captures the defining aspiration of seventeenth-century Rome—an art that sought truth through tension, and faith through the drama of transformation.
Domenichino (1581–1641), The Flagellation of Saint Andrew – Above the left window, the apostle endures his scourging before martyrdom. Domenichino (1581–1641), The Martyrdom of Saint Andrew – Above the right window, the saint is shown at the moment of crucifixion. Domenichino (1581–1641), Saint Andrew in Glory – In the apse’s semicircular vault, the saint ascends triumphantly into heaven, completing the narrative of faith and endurance. Domenichino (Domenico Zampieri, 1581–1641), Virtues surrounding the apse windows – Six allegorical figures representing Charity, Faith, Religion, Contempt of the World, Fortitude, and Christian Contemplation. Above the lateral windows, nude figures wreath festoons of fruit alluding to the Peretti family, the patrons of the work. Domenichino (1581–1641), Saints Andrew, John the Evangelist, and John the Baptist – Central composition between the windows, depicting the Baptist pointing to the coming Redeemer. Domenichino (1581–1641), Christ Calling Saints Peter and Andrew – Above the central window, Christ summons the two apostles to follow Him. Domenichino (1581–1641), Saints Andrew, John the Evangelist, and John the Baptist – Central composition between the windows, depicting the Baptist pointing to the coming Redeemer. Domenichino (1581–1641), Christ Calling Saints Peter and Andrew – Above the central window, Christ summons the two apostles to follow Him.The high altar, designed by Carlo Fontana (1634–1714), frames Mattia Preti’s frescoes depicting the martyrdom and burial of Saint Andrew.Giovanni Lanfranco (1582–1647), The Assumption of the Virgin in the glory of Paradise, 1625–1627, Sant’Andrea della Valle, RomeGiovanni Lanfranco (1582–1647), The Assumption of the Virgin in the glory of Paradise, 1625–1627, Sant’Andrea della Valle, RomeCarlo Maderno (1556–1629), Dome of Sant’Andrea della Valle, completed in 1623, with lantern executed by Francesco Borromini (1599–1667)
Hendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm, The National Gallery, London
Hendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, London
Few painters faced a tougher challenge than Hendrick Avercamp. In the bustling art market of the Dutch Golden Age, originality was hard-won, yet Avercamp staked his career on a single subject: the frozen waterways of the Little Ice Age, where society turned public space into social theatre. From this narrow focus he carved out an entirely new pictorial type.
Hendrick Avercamp (1585–1634) was born in Amsterdam into a family of apothecaries but moved as a child with his family to Kampen, where he would spend most of his life. Contemporary sources describe him as mute, probably also deaf, which earned him the name de Stomme van Kampen (‘the mute of Kampen’). His training under Pieter Isaacsz (1569–1625), a painter active at both the Danish and Dutch courts and steeped in Haarlem Mannerism, gave him a solid basis in figure drawing and taste for decorative refinement. Scholars also suspect he absorbed lessons from Gillis van Coninxloo (1544–1607) and David Vinckboons (1576–1632), whose landscapes and figure types echo through his own compositions. Yet what Avercamp created with his winter scenes was something new: a formula in which he set out, very consciously as a young man, to prove himself against the most crowded and competitive art market in Europe.
The Dutch Golden Age was a harsh place to earn a living as a painter. The market overflowed not only with contemporary works but also with paintings from earlier generations, imported from different regions and traditions. Within this environment, originality had to be visible and immediate. Avercamp’s response was the panoramic winter scene, drawn directly from the frozen canals and rivers of the Little Ice Age. These works appear cheerful at first sight, animated with skating crowds, lovers, drinkers, and children tumbling on the ice. But the more one looks, the more the atmosphere darkens. A note of melancholy hangs behind the bustle, a quiet stillness that sets the tone as much as the humour. It may be linked to Avercamp’s disability, his position as an outsider who watched the social theatre but did not take part in it.
If Pieter Bruegel the Elder (c.1525–1569) provided a model for winter scenes, Avercamp stripped away allegory and moralising. His panels are bluntly descriptive yet never merely documentary. At the same time, skating was too charged an image for viewers not to read moral meaning into it—life as unstable ground, pleasure as a dangerous risk. The works hover between affectionate detail and emblematic possibility, which is part of their enduring power.
The problem is that his oeuvre is uneven. Some early paintings are astonishingly refined, the main figures finished with crisp precision. Others, from the same period, feel sketchy. It is not easy to separate intention from condition. Many panels seem to have been built in layers, refined details laid over looser underpainting. Four centuries on, it is often the fragile glazes that have disappeared with the varnish, leaving a rougher surface than Avercamp meant us to see. This unevenness also complicates attribution, especially since his success generated a wave of imitation.
His drawings offer a more reliable insight into his working method. A greater number of securely attributed sheets survive than paintings, and these reveal the process of developing ideas in sketch form — figures noted from life, later adapted and reiterated as stock motifs within panel compositions. Stories on the ice were not invented afresh each time but developed and re-used.This also links him to a wider Netherlandish tradition. Already in the sixteenth century, painters in the Low Countries specialised in crowd scenes that balanced dozens of figures in correct proportion, something that was never common in Italy, for example.
The fragments of his biography add to the sense of distance. He lived between Kampen and Amsterdam, probably travelling with his mother, on whom he depended not only as a child but also as an adult restricted by his disability. What we know comes in scraps, reconstructed by scholars who are still piecing together the roots of his peculiar formula.
His career ended abruptly in 1634, probably due to plague. Yet the formula outlived him. His nephew Barend Avercamp (1612–1679) possibly collaborated with him and then carried on the winter scene for decades, his paintings often difficult to distinguish from Hendrick’s own. Other artists joined in, repeating the formula to the point that the field of attribution has become murky. Still, Avercamp had set the type: the animated winter panorama, packed with anecdote yet carrying a peculiar emotional charge. His surviving oeuvre is small—barely thirty paintings can be securely given to him—but reinforced by drawings that show the careful eye and steady hand behind the apparent spontaneity. These works defined winter as a lasting theme in Dutch art and left behind images that are not only lively records of public life but also haunted by a quiet, unmistakable melancholy.
Hendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm, The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, LondonHendrick Avercamp (1585–1634), A Scene on the Ice near a Town, c.1615, Oil on oak panel, 58 × 89.8 cm. The National Gallery, London
Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London (displayed on the wall to the right of Caravaggio’s Supper at Emmaus, 1601)
Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London (displayed on the wall to the right of Caravaggio’s Supper at Emmaus, 1601)
When Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656) painted Christ before the High Priest around 1617, he was a young northerner in Rome, still finding his artistic voice.
The composition is stripped to its essentials: Christ, calm and radiant, stands before his judge, the High Priest, who sits at a table with an open book, his hand raised, finger pointed upward in a gesture of authority. All else recedes into shadow. There is no architecture, no decoration, only the bare encounter, staged in darkness, with a single flame illuminating the drama.
It is tempting to read this as a straightforward echo of Caravaggio, but such a view flattens the painting’s complexity. Honthorst’s nocturne is part of a much broader history that reaches back into the sixteenth century, when many artists in different regions explored darkness as a way of heightening the mystery of the sacred. In Venice, Tintoretto (1518–1594) often staged biblical scenes by torchlight, while Jacopo Bassano (c.1510–1592) and his workshop developed entire cycles of night narratives filled with firelight. In Lombardy, Giovanni Girolamo Savoldo (c.1480–after 1548) and Moretto da Brescia (c.1498–1554) experimented with twilight and subdued tonalities, letting forms emerge gently from the half-light to create devotional intimacy. In Genoa, Luca Cambiaso (1527–1585) pushed simplification further still, carving his figures into block-like forms and abandoning ornament and architecture altogether. These diverse explorations formed a rich backdrop for the tenebrism of the early seventeenth century, and they remind us that Caravaggio was part of a larger trajectory rather than a solitary innovator.
The link to Cambiaso is especially significant for Honthorst. His patron for Christ before the High Priest was Vincenzo Giustiniani (1564–1637), a Genoese nobleman and banker who settled in Rome and built one of the most celebrated collections of the age. Giustiniani was one of Caravaggio’s most important early supporters, but he also cherished his Genoese inheritance. Among his possessions was Cambiaso’s own Christ before Caiaphas, painted decades earlier. By commissioning Honthorst to treat the same subject, Giustiniani invited the young northern painter to engage directly with both Cambiaso’s Genoese precedent and Caravaggio’s Roman legacy. The painting is thus not an isolated exercise but a dialogue across traditions, with Genoa’s genius, Rome’s radical naturalism, and Utrecht’s ambitions converging in a single nocturne.
The theology of the image gives this convergence its weight. Darkness is never neutral in Christian thought: it conceals and reveals, offering a visual language for mystery itself. The candlelight falls on Christ’s face, serene and composed, identifying him as the true light of the world. Opposite him the High Priest sits with an open book, his right hand raised, finger pointed upward. It is the gesture of the judge and the teacher, the sign of pronouncement and authority, recalling both ancient oratory and the traditional pose of preachers. Yet here the meaning is deeply ironic: Caiaphas raises his finger as if invoking higher law, but in truth he misjudges the one who is the fulfilment of the law. The gesture is thus a mark of blindness, an empty claim to authority placed in direct contrast with Christ’s quiet presence. Around Christ and the High Priest stand shadowed attendants, their bodies reduced to broad, simplified forms. They are present but indistinct, almost swallowed by darkness, echoing the experiments of Cambiaso who often dissolved secondary figures into schematic shapes. Rather than functioning as narrative details, these half-seen figures intensify the focus on the central confrontation. Shadow becomes a stage of revelation: what is shown is clear and concentrated, while what is hidden in darkness speaks to the mystery of unbelief, to truths only partly grasped. The contrast gives visual form to a line from the opening of the Gospel of John: ‘The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness has not overcome it’ (John 1:5).
The night setting also changes how the viewer experiences the scene. A trial in daylight would suggest public spectacle; a candlelit interrogation by night draws us into a private chamber, where we stand as silent witnesses, close yet powerless. This intimacy was at the heart of post-Tridentine Catholic painting, which aimed not at ornament but at inward stirring and meditation. The nocturne also echoed the rhythm of worship. In Catholic practice the office of Matins was prayed in the night or before dawn, when the faithful kept vigil in darkness, waiting for the first light of morning. To place Christ’s interrogation at night was to align it with that liturgical rhythm, where darkness becomes a time of testing and expectation, and the arrival of light signifies revelation.
For Honthorst himself the work was decisive. Trained in Utrecht but transformed in Rome, he became known as Gherardo delle Notti for his mastery of candlelit drama. Christ before the High Priest shows him not as a derivative Caravaggist but as a painter who absorbed Venetian torchlight, Lombard twilight, Genoese reduction, and Roman immediacy, all filtered through Giustiniani’s discerning taste. When he returned to Utrecht in 1620 he carried this clarity north, shaping the Utrecht Caravaggisti and transmitting the Mediterranean nocturne into northern Europe.
To linger with this painting is therefore to enter a layered conversation: between Genoa and Rome, between past and present, between a patron’s collecting vision and a painter’s search for identity, between revelation and blindness, devotion and prejudice. What at first appears a simple candlelit formula proves, on reflection, to be a deeply resonant image where art, theology, and history converge.
Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London Gerrit van Honthorst (1592–1656), Christ before the High Priest, c.1617, Oil on canvas, 272 × 183 cm, National Gallery, London (displayed on the wall to the right of Caravaggio’s Supper at Emmaus, 1601)
Marble Hill House: A Neo-Palladian Villa in Twickenham, Richmond, Greater London
Inigo Jones (1573–1652) was the first architect in England to make sustained use of Andrea Palladio’s (1508–1580) treatise-based principles. His Queen’s House at Greenwich (begun c.1616, completed 1635) and the Banqueting House, Whitehall (1619–1622) introduced a new discipline of proportion and order drawn from Palladio’s Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (1570) and from Jones’s own study of Italian antiquity. After Jones’s death and the disruption of the Civil War, this idiom did not disappear but it ceased to dominate. The Restoration of 1660 brought a different language, usually labelled English Baroque, associated with Sir Christopher Wren (1632–1723), Nicholas Hawksmoor (1661–1736), and Sir John Vanbrugh (1664–1726). Their buildings combined classical geometry with scenographic massing and bold effects: Christopher Wren’s and Hawksmoor’s London churches, together with Vanbrugh’s Blenheim Palace, articulated a specifically English variant of Baroque that shaped the architectural culture of the late Stuart court.
By the early eighteenth century, however, this Baroque idiom was increasingly criticised by some patrons and architects as overblown and theatrically charged. Its Stuart associations did not help under the Hanoverians. A circle of Whig politicians, aristocrats, and designers began to look back to Palladio and to Jones as exemplars of restraint and correctness. The revival drew not on direct experience of Venetian villas but on books. The London reissue of Palladio’s Quattro Libri in 1715 and Colen Campbell’s (1676–1729) Vitruvius Britannicus (1715–1725) provided engraved models of villas and palaces stripped down to diagrams of order and proportion. These printed authorities gave English Palladianism its academic and antiquarian weight. In this context, new villas such as Marble Hill, Twickenham, embodied a turn away from Baroque exuberance towards codified classicism: restrained, learned, and politically resonant.
Henrietta Howard (1689–1767), later Countess of Suffolk, provides the immediate context for Marble Hill. Married in 1706 to Charles Howard (1675–1733), later 9th Earl of Suffolk, she endured years of debt and violence before securing a place at court in 1714 as Woman of the Bedchamber to Caroline of Ansbach (1683–1737). As the new mistress of George II (1683–1760), then Prince of Wales, she gained security. In 1723 trustees acting for the prince arranged a financial settlement that gave her independent means. With this capital she purchased land at Twickenham and built Marble Hill between 1724 and 1729, not as a dynastic seat but as a personal villa: a retreat shaped by finite but stable resources, a house that signalled taste without extravagance.
The design was entrusted to Roger Morris (1695–1749), a builder-architect, working in close partnership with Henry Herbert (1693–1750), 9th Earl of Pembroke, an accomplished amateur who promoted Palladian principles. Their plan drew directly on Campbell’s Vitruvius Britannicus, which served as a pattern book for the revival. What gave such houses their force was not novelty but correctness. They could be presented as academically grounded, rational, and aligned with Hanoverian legitimacy.
Marble Hill is a compact cubic villa of three storeys above a raised basement, with façades symmetrical and undecorated. A central saloon dominates the piano nobile, with balanced apartments to either side. Service areas were confined to the basement and to secondary routes, in line with Palladian concern for hierarchy. Compared to Ham House across the Thames, with its Jacobean staircases, imported art, and dense inventories, Marble Hill is austere. This austerity reflected both fashion and finances: Howard’s settlement permitted quality but not excess. The result was a villa of proportion and clarity, its walls left bare even after later refurbishments.
Within this environment, the principal staircase became the house’s main moment of display. Built of imported mahogany — then rare and costly — it signalled modern fashion and imperial connection. Mahogany from the Caribbean and Central America had only just begun to reach English interiors in the 1720s, and its use at Marble Hill, also documented in the floorboards of the piano nobile, made the villa unusually up-to-date. The stair relied on proportion, broad flights, and the natural depth of the timber rather than carving or heraldry. It was a calculated concentration of expense, one conspicuous statement of luxury within an otherwise restrained programme.
The secondary stair provided the hidden counterpart. Concealed in the service quarters, it followed the lineage of the spiral stair type illustrated in Palladio’s Quattro Libri and brought to England by Jones at the Queen’s House, Greenwich. At Marble Hill it was adapted in simplified form: no elaborate ironwork, no self-supporting spectacle, but a tight spiral built to economise space and maintain separation between household staff and the ceremonial axis. Its presence shows how Palladian principles were applied not just to façades and saloons but to circulation itself. The social order of the household was built into the fabric of the villa, ensuring that labour remained unseen.
Palladio himself did not invent a new style, but by framing ancient principles as a system he provided a grammar that proved adaptable across centuries. At Marble Hill that grammar was translated into an architecture of proportion, hierarchy, and select luxury, where even the stairs spoke of order.
Marble Hill House: A Neo-Palladian Villa in Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonThe Mahogany Staircase of Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonThe Mahogany Staircase of Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonThe Mahogany Staircase of Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonThe Spiral Staircase of Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonCharles Jervas (c. 1675–1739), Portrait of Henrietta Howard, c. 1724, Oil on canvas, 127 × 101.6 cm, Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater LondonEnoch Seeman the Younger (c.1690–1745), Portrait of John Gay (1685–1732), one of the most important playwrights of the 18th century and author ofThe Beggar’s Opera, c. 1725, oil on canvas, 76.2 × 63.5 cm, Marble Hill House, Twickenham, Richmond, Greater London.
Nicholas Hilliard(1547-1619),Man Clasping a Hand from a Cloud, 1588, Watercolour and bodycolour on vellum, 6.0 cm × 4.95 cm, Victoria and Albert Museum, London
Nicholas Hilliard(1547-1619), Man Clasping a Hand from a Cloud, 1588, Watercolour and bodycolour on vellum, 6.0 cm × 4.95 cm, Victoria and Albert Museum, London
This small miniature portrait (limning) is a tight theatre of signs, where colour, gesture, and motto create an image at once intimate and enigmatic.
By 1588, Hilliard was painting in a voice honed by his French experience and tempered in the atmosphere of Henri III’s Valois court, where allegory and cipher were as important as likeness. This limning is one of the clearest proofs of that refinement: the sitter’s poised gesture, the hand descending from cloud, the lapidary blue ground and the motto in fine gold all combine in a closed performance.
This portrait presents itself as a riddle that resists resolution, inviting reflection rather than disclosure. As with many Renaissance portraits, ambiguity was not a failure of language but a mark of wit.The Latin motto, ‘Attici amoris ergo’, lies at the centre of the mystery. Attempts at translation—‘for the sake of Attic love’, ‘in honour of Greek love’, ‘by reason of Attic style’—never settle. Elizabethan courtiers, like their Valois peers, delighted in fractured Latin, half-remembered from school and burnished with a learned gloss. By the late sixteenth century, such phrases often had little of the integrity of Cicero; they were gnomic, compact, designed to carry resonance only for those in the know. Meaning was shaped by context, shared memory, and the intimacy of private exchange. The motto may have had force only for sitter, recipient and artist, opaque to all beyond that circle—just as our own invented idioms, memes or wordplay would puzzle strangers centuries later.
Tracing possible sources only multiplies uncertainties. ‘Attici’ might conjure Athens and its rhetorical elegance, making the cloud-hand an allegory of muse or beloved; it might equally recall the Elizabethan commonplace of ‘Greek love’, ranging from exalted friendship to more explicit suggestion. Neither can be proved. The clasp itself may signify fidelity, mystical union, or staged desire that refuses to name its object. It is not even certain whether we see a man’s or a woman’s hand, and while some propose a mourning context, the motto resists such a reading. What remains is irresolution, and this irresolution is central to the very purpose of impresa limnings—works never intended to yield a single solution, but to preserve an enigma bound to private understanding.
Portrait miniatures like this one were intensely personal objects, often worn close to the body and intended for the gaze of only a few.To demand transparency is to misread their function. They are dialogues in image and fragmentary Latin, and their unresolved nature is the very essence of their operation. Just as private groups today mint their own verbal codes, so Hilliard’s patrons cultivated mottos legible only to themselves. The cloud, the hand, the inscription together form an emblem whose meaning has slipped from us; but in that very loss lies its testimony to the closed culture that produced it. What appears as a riddle without answer is in fact the survival of a language meant never to be public in the first place. The limning’s enigma is not an obstacle to interpretation but its core.
Isaac Oliver (1565-1617), A Man Consumed by Flames (c.1600–10), Watercolour and bodycolour with gold on vellum, 5.2 x 4.4 cm, Ham House, Surrey
Isaac Oliver (1565-1617), A Man Consumed by Flames (c.1600–10), Watercolour and bodycolour with gold on vellum, 5.2 x 4.4 cm, Ham House, Surrey
Renaissance allegorical portraits often preserve more mysteries than certainties: the identities of sitters, the circumstances of commission, and even the intended meaning are often uncertain, yet such ambiguity only intensifies their allure. Isaac Oliver’s A Man Consumed by Flames (c.1600–10) is a Jacobean miniature in the English Renaissance tradition, remarkable for its fusion of portraiture and allegory. The sitter, engulfed by fire and accompanied by the motto Alget, qui non ardet (‘He grows cold, who does not burn’), epitomises the central intrigue: do the flames signify Petrarchan love passion or Protestant zeal? The work hovers between amatory token and religious device, and its fascination lies in this ambivalence.
The imagery belongs to a broad European allegorical language in which fire carried multiple meanings. Andrea Alciato’s (1492–1550) Emblematum liber (first ed. 1531), the text that inaugurated the emblem tradition, codified flame as a symbol of both ardour and trial, pairing images with mottoes and epigrams. Alciato’s successors elaborated these themes: Joachim Camerarius (1500–1574), in his Symbola et Emblemata (1590–1604), repeatedly depicted the heart consumed by fire as an emblem of fidelity tested by suffering, while Hadrianus Junius (1511–1575), in his Emblemata (1565), presented the burning heart as a purifying ordeal of virtue. Such devices were deliberately double-edged: in an amorous context they signified constancy, while in a devotional frame they symbolised the soul inflamed by divine grace.
Literary traditions reinforced this iconography. Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374), in the Canzoniere, had made fire and the burning heart central metaphors of desire, at once destructive, refining, and transcendent. Neoplatonic philosophy gave these images further depth: Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499), in De amore (1469) and the Theologia Platonica (1469–74), described love as a divine fire (ignis divinus) binding mortal and eternal, while Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494), in the Oration on the Dignity of Man (1486), extended the theme of ardour as the means of ascent to God. Religious discourse added a sharper edge, as in Revelation 3:15–16, which condemned the ‘lukewarm’ soul that failed to burn with zeal. Thus the same image of fire within a portrait could represent steadfast Petrarchan love, the ascent of the soul in Neoplatonic thought, or the fervour of evangelical faith, depending on context.
Scholars have proposed the identity of the sitter as William Strachey (1572–1621), secretary of the Virginia Company, and connected the miniature’s commission to the circumstances of his Virginia voyage. Both remain uncertain, but the association provides further intrigue. Strachey repeatedly employed the rare motto Alget, qui non ardet in his Lawes Divine, Morall & Martiall (1612) and the Historie of Travaile into Virginia-Britania (c.1612). His celebrated account of the Sea Venture shipwreck of 1609, which describes fiery storm phenomena later echoed in Shakespeare’s Tempest, gave the phrase the weight of Protestant zeal and colonial endurance. If linked to these circumstances, the miniature functions not as a Petrarchan love token but as a Protestant impresa announcing constancy and evangelical mission.
This portrait ultimately reflects a Renaissance culture that prized ambiguity. Its flames may be read as amorous passion, Protestant constancy, or Neoplatonic ascent, and all these readings were available to a cultivated audience. Oliver’s miniature collapses the boundaries between sacred and profane, private and public, earthly and divine. Its enigma lies not in the resolution of the allegory but in recognising that its very ambivalence was the point: for Renaissance beholders, trained in the logic of emblems and Neoplatonic metaphor, the consuming fire was not a matter of choosing between meanings, but a single image in which fervour, passion, and trial coincided, holding faith, love, and truth together rather than apart.
Antoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, Surrey
Antoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, Surrey
This portrait type of Charles I (1600–1649), painted by Antoon van Dyck around 1635–37, became one of the most recognisable images of the Stuart king and one of the most enduring portrait formulae of the seventeenth century. Its appeal lies in its calculated restraint: the king is shown three-quarter length, dressed in plain black with a fine white lace collar, the blue Ribbon and jewel of the Order of the Garter providing the sole note of colour. His body turns to the left, but his head glances back over the shoulder, directly engaging the viewer with a look at once aloof and contemplative. This pose, elegant yet understated, encapsulated Charles’s vision of kingship as dignity tempered with refinement.
The original prototype, painted in London between 1635 and 1637, was destroyed in the Whitehall fire of 1697. Yet Van Dyck’s established practice of producing repetitions — often with the assistance of his studio — ensured the survival of the design in multiple versions. At least half a dozen remain today, including examples at the National Portrait Gallery, London, Kedleston Hall, Derbyshire, the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, and this at Ham House. Their survival testifies both to the popularity of this composition and to the central role it played in shaping the king’s image.
The differences among the surviving versions illustrate both the adaptability of Van Dyck’s design and the flexible working methods of his studio. The Dresden canvas, painted for Charles Louis, Elector Palatine, in 1637, is highly finished, its costume carefully modelled, its insignia crisply defined: a dynastic portrait intended for display abroad. The versions at the National Portrait Gallery and at Kedleston Hall are more economical in handling, their faces softer and less penetrating, their hands more defined, betraying heavier reliance on studio participation. These distinctions reflect Van Dyck’s hierarchy of authorship. In works destined for foreign courts or aristocratic patrons, assistants often laid in costume, drapery, and background. But in paintings of greater personal or political significance, Van Dyck himself reserved the most expressive passages — the face, the lace collar, and above all the hands — for his own brush. The quality of these areas is the surest diagnostic of his involvement: when autograph, they are supple, fluid, and alive with expression; when delegated, they tend towards stiffness and routine.
The Ham House version stands out in this respect, both for its provenance and for the master’s evident touch in the decisive passages. It was almost certainly the painting recorded in the royal memorandum of 1638/9 as ‘Le Roi vestu de noir a Monr. Morre’, a personal gift from Charles I to William Murray (c.1600–1655), later 1st Earl of Dysart. Murray had been raised with Charles from childhood and served him throughout his reign as Groom of the Bedchamber — one of the king’s closest companions, in daily attendance upon his person. The office gave Murray a degree of personal contact with the monarch rare even among courtiers, and their bond was marked by profound trust and loyalty. That Charles chose to give him this portrait, in its original frame, confirms its status as a token of personal favour. Unlike the Dresden canvas, designed to proclaim majesty to foreign eyes, the Ham painting was intended for one of the very few men admitted to the king’s inner circle.
The portrait follows the established formula: Charles dressed in austere black, his right hand placed lightly on a table, his left holding a glove, the plainness of costume relieved by the shimmer of the lace collar and the subdued colour of the Garter ribbon. But here the execution rises far above the routine. The face is handled with Van Dyck’s characteristic thin glazes, the flesh luminous and alive, the gaze refined, slightly melancholy, perfectly capturing the king’s cultivated aloofness. The lace collar is rendered with shimmering delicacy, framing and softening the head. Yet it is the hands that define the work. The right rests with studied poise, fingers gently extended; the left holds the glove with aristocratic ease, elongated and supple. Their subtle modelling — veins faintly visible, knuckles softly defined, skin tones modulated by delicate strokes of light and shade — reveals Van Dyck’s direct intervention.
For Van Dyck, hands were never ancillary but central to the portrait’s expressive power. Contemporaries praised the beauty of his hands, often called the most refined of the seventeenth century, and with reason: in their elegance of gesture and lyrical articulation lay the distilled essence of aristocratic poise. Where assistants could paint black satin or neutral backdrops, they could not supply this combination of delicacy, naturalism, and latent grace. It is clear that in portraits of the highest importance — those for the king himself, for his closest circle, or for the queen in her grandest likenesses — Van Dyck would not delegate the hands to others. In lesser or more formal repetitions, as in the Dresden or National Portrait Gallery versions, the hands are elegant but cooler, more formulaic, lacking the nervous vitality of the master’s touch. In the Ham portrait, by contrast, they are alive, lyrical, eloquent: as expressive of character as the king’s face.
This distinction explains why the Ham House portrait remains one of the most compelling survivals of the type. It is not only a repetition of a successful formula but a canvas in which Van Dyck invested his own artistry in the passages that mattered most, producing an image at once restrained and direct, regal yet marked by human presence. Gifted to Murray, a companion bound to Charles by long service and trust, the painting embodies the double role of Van Dyck’s art at the Stuart court: to create the official icon of kingship, but also to fashion images of loyalty, where the king’s identity was conveyed most poignantly through face, costume, and — above all — the expressive hands that became Van Dyck’s hallmark.
Antoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, SurreyAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641) and Studio, Portrait of King Charles I (1600–1649), circa 1635–1637, Oil on canvas, 121 x 94.6 cm, Ham House, Surrey
St Anne’s, Limehouse, is one of those eighteenth-century London monuments that refuses to yield easily to stylistic categorisation. Its great Doric frame summons the authority of antiquity, yet it refuses the polished classicism of Palladian revival. Its axial breadth seems born of Baroque ambition, but the execution denies Baroque fluency: masses collide rather than flow, surfaces remain stark, and scale shifts abruptly. The building embodies both grandeur and disruption, unmistakably the work of Nicholas Hawksmoor (1661–1736), whose imagination pressed against the financial and civic limits of what could be built in the East End of London. Conceived as a commanding beacon of the Church of England’s presence, it emerged instead as a more severe structure, its intended skyline of pyramids and elaborate tower curtailed by the realities of cost and circumstance.
The church was completed in 1730 and consecrated in 1733, its form pared back to the essential. The body rises as a massive Portland-stone rectangle, its Doric pilasters too slight to soften the walls they adorn. Recessed windows deepen rather than break the impression of weight. At the east end, turrets climb only to be capped low and pierced with lancets, a substitution for the tall pyramids Hawksmoor had drawn, so that the horizon closes with a sudden, almost abrupt finality. The west tower, nearly fifty metres high, carries its mass upward in vast stages, each divided by heavy entablatures. Engaged columns mark the corners but leave the central bays blank, withholding the expected rhythm of a colonnade. The sequence culminates in an octagonal lantern and gilded ball, long serving as a sea-mark for Trinity House. Because of this maritime function the tower was permitted, unusually for a parish church, to fly the White Ensign. It stood therefore not only as an architectural crown but also as a signal to ships on the Thames, its ecclesiastical and nautical purposes bound together in a single commanding form.
What results is monumentality under pressure. Classical order and Baroque massing are present, yet each is fractured, compressed, and translated into something harsher. St Anne’s resists tidy classification, not because it is confused, but because it exposes with rare clarity the tension between architectural imagination and the limits of its realisation. Hawksmoor’s vision survives here in stripped form, its drama heightened by what is absent as much as by what is built.
St Anne’s Church, Limehouse, London.St Anne’s Church, Limehouse, London.St Anne’s Church, Limehouse, London.St Anne’s Church, Limehouse, London.The grounds of St Anne’s Church in Limehouse, LondonThe grounds of St Anne’s Church in Limehouse, London.The grounds of St Anne’s Church in Limehouse, London.
François-Hubert Drouais (1727–1775), Portrait of Mlle Doré, c. 1758, Oil on canvas, 68.6 × 61 cm, Victoria & Albert Museum, London
François-Hubert Drouais (1727–1775), Portrait of Mlle Doré, c. 1758, Oil on canvas, 68.6 × 61 cm, Victoria & Albert Museum, London
François-Hubert Drouais was one of the leading portraitists of Louis XV’s France, admitted to the Académie Royale in 1758 and patronised by the court and aristocracy. Trained by Charles-André Van Loo (1705–1765) and François Boucher (1703–1770), he absorbed the polish of academic classicism and the elegance of Rococo decoration, but developed a more restrained and sober manner that made him distinctive in the crowded Parisian portrait market.
His portraits are marked by refined surfaces, meticulous rendering of fabric and lace, and sitters shown in fashionable contemporary dress rather than elaborate allegory. This sets him apart from Jean-Marc Nattier (1685–1766), who specialised in mythological masquerade, and from his teacher Boucher, whose portraits are lush and decorative. Unlike Jean-Baptiste Greuze (1725–1805), whose art leans toward moralising sentiment, Drouais also kept emotions muted, favouring aristocratic composure.
The result is a signature style of elegant naturalism: Rococo grace pared of excess, intimacy without sentimentality, and fashion refined into dignity. Works like Mlle Doré exemplify this balance — a portrait at once charming and restrained, poised at the point where Rococo refinement begins to anticipate Neoclassical sobriety. In this, Drouais can be seen as a transitional figure: his restraint and clarity look forward to the cooler discipline of painters such as Jacques-Louis David (1748–1825), while still rooted in the Rococo world of aristocratic elegance.
Godfried Schalcken (1643–1706), Girl Threading a Needle by Candlelight, c.1670s, Oil on oak panel, 19.3 × 15.6 cm, Wallace Collection, London
Godfried Schalcken (1643–1706), Girl Threading a Needle by Candlelight, c.1670s, Oil on oak panel, 19.3 × 15.6 cm, Wallace Collection, London
The Girl Threading a Needle by Candlelight, painted in the 1670s, is more than a virtuoso miniature: it is a pointed reflection of the conditions of Dutch painting at the close of the Golden Age. The choice of format—a panel scarcely twenty centimetres high—shows Schalcken working within the Leiden fijnschilder tradition of jewel-like cabinet pictures, but the subject reveals how that tradition was adapting to a shrinking and more demanding market.
The 1670s were a decade of economic contraction and the collapse of the once-vast Dutch art market; painters could no longer rely on a broad middle-class clientele and instead tailored their works to connoisseurs who prized refinement, intimacy, and technical feats. Schalcken’s innovation was to make the candle itself the organising principle of the scene. Where his colleagues Dou or Van Mieris might present a young woman at her toilette or a scholar in his study, Schalcken reduces the pictorial world to a solitary figure performing an everyday act, transfigured by the glow of a single flame.
What the panel demonstrates, therefore, is a late-seventeenth-century solution to a double challenge: how to maintain invention within a genre threatened by repetition, and how to appeal to an elite market hungry for novelties that could also display the painter’s virtuosity. In this work the ordinary gesture of threading a needle becomes a spectacle of intimacy, its beauty residing in the controlled play of light on skin and fabric. The painting shows us how Schalcken turned the technical problem of representing artificial light into a signature style that could be endlessly repeated, satisfying both collectors and, after his death, a market sustained by studio replicas and reproductive prints. That it was this particular motif which became one of the most copied candlelight subjects of the eighteenth century is telling: it encapsulated in miniature the direction of Dutch genre painting after the Golden Age—small in scale, refined in finish, and focused on the transformation of the ordinary into a scene of quiet intensity.
Godfried Schalcken (1643–1706), Girl Threading a Needle by Candlelight, c.1670s, Oil on oak panel, 19.3 × 15.6 cm, Wallace Collection, London
Forty Hall, built between 1629 and 1632 for Sir Nicholas Rainton (1569–1646), is a remarkably complete example of a Jacobean merchant’s mansion on the northern edge of London. Rainton, a successful haberdasher, made his fortune through the import of fine silks—taffeta and satin from Florence and velvet from Genoa. His business success led to steady civic advancement: Alderman of Aldgate Ward in 1621, Sheriff in 1622, Lord Mayor in 1632, and a knighthood in 1633. The house he built at Enfield was not only a retreat from the dirt and clamour of the City, but also a physical expression of status, ambition, and social authority—rooted in English tradition yet shaped by continental ideas.
Forty Hall’s architecture reflects a moment of stylistic transition. Possibly attributed to Edward Carter, Chief Clerk of the King’s Works, it avoids the formal classicism of Inigo Jones, belonging instead to a broader Jacobean tradition that drew on Italian and Flemish sources through pattern books and the skills of foreign craftsmen working in England before the Civil War. The house is symmetrical in massing but not strictly classical, ornamental yet grounded in native forms. Built of red brick on a square plan, it has stone banding between its three storeys and rusticated stone quoins at the corners. A hipped slate roof and tall chimney stacks, some rebuilt in keeping with the original design, complete the compact form.
Three façades are formally balanced, while the fourth—facing west—was altered early to accommodate service rooms such as the kitchen, buttery, and steward’s quarters. Inside, the layout combines formality and order: the Great Hall is entered through a carved screen with grotesque heads and scallop shells, while the ceilings display complex strapwork plaster decoration in the Dutch style. Panelling, pilasters, and ornamental plasterwork reflect both international influence and the tastes of a confident mercantile class.
In 1636, two low service wings were added. Major changes came in the eighteenth century, when Sir Nicholas Wolstenholme, a descendant by marriage, undertook modernisation. Around 1708, porches with Ionic columns and cartouches were added to the three main fronts, softening the Jacobean character with a Georgian rhythm. In the 1790s, Edmund Armstrong had the brick exterior coated in white-painted stucco, later removed to reveal the original masonry.
Georgian alterations included decorative plaster ceilings, reconfigured partitions, and columned screens, yet the essential Jacobean core—its structure, decorative language, and hierarchy of public and private rooms—remains clear.
Among the house’s treasures is a portrait of Sir Nicholas Rainton, painted in the early 1640s by an unknown English artist in the manner of van Dyck. Depicted in his Lord Mayor’s robes with the civic collar and badge, he is shown in the years leading to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1642. Though a Puritan and supporter of Parliament, Rainton declined a seat on the Committee of Safety that year and withdrew to Forty Hall, where he died in 1646 as the first phase of the conflict ended. The portrait captures both civic pride and the quiet withdrawal of a man stepping back from political crisis.
A later addition is a sensitive portrait of Princess Mary, daughter of Charles I—an unexpected survival linking this Parliamentarian merchant’s house to the wider artistic world of Stuart England, and to a cultural memory reaching far beyond its Puritan origins.
English School, Portrait of Sir Nicholas Rainton (1569–1646), c.1632, Oil on canvas, Forty Hall, Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonForty Hall Estate, Enfield, LondonEnglish School,Portrait of Henrietta Anne (1644–1670), daughter of King Charles I (1600–1649), late 17th century, Oil on canvas, Forty Hall Estate, Enfield, London English School, Portrait of Sir Nicholas Rainton (1569–1646), c.1632, Oil on canvas, Forty Hall, Estate, Enfield, London
Artus Wolfaerts (1581-1641), Esther’s Toilet in the Harem of Ahasuerus, c.1620, Oil on panel, 59.4 x 81 cm, Victoria & Albert Museum, London
Artus Wolffort takes a brief passage from the Book of Esther and translates it into a scene poised between the ornamental allegory of Antwerp Mannerism and the weight and warmth of emerging Baroque. In his Esther’s Toilet, sacred narrative becomes a painting of classical elegance, where frieze-like groupings, mythological emblems, and idealised bodies reveal a transitional style—still shaped by Mannerist taste for allegory, yet transformed by Baroque presence and sensual immediacy.
The story comes from Esther2:8–17. After Vashti’s dismissal, King Ahasuerus of Persia gathers the most beautiful women of his empire. Esther, a Jewish orphan raised by her cousin Mordecai, is taken into the royal harem at Susa, assigned seven maids (v. 9) and placed under the care of Hegai, the custodian of the women. She passes through twelve months of preparation, six with oil of myrrh and six with perfumes and cosmetics (v. 12), before being presented to the king and chosen as queen.
Wolffort does not show the harem ritual directly. Instead, he imagines the period of preparation as a scene of beauty and refinement. The figures are idealised in body and gesture, the draperies arranged with antique grace, and the mood closer to allegory than to history. In this way he follows Antwerp workshop practice, where biblical stories were often translated into images that blended devotion with sensual appeal. The painting reflects a local taste for heroines such as Esther, Susanna, or the Magdalene, whose virtue was consistently expressed through ideals of physical beauty shaped by the language of antiquity.
Artus Wolfaerts (1581-1641), Esther’s Toilet in the Harem of Ahasuerus, c.1620, Oil on panel, 59.4 x 81 cm, Victoria& Albert Museum, LondonArtus Wolfaerts (1581-1641), Esther’s Toilet in the Harem of Ahasuerus, c.1620, Oil on panel, 59.4 x 81 cm, Victoria& Albert Museum, LondonArtus Wolfaerts (1581-1641), Esther’s Toilet in the Harem of Ahasuerus, c.1620, Oil on panel, 59.4 x 81 cm, Victoria& Albert Museum, London
The composition has no clear central figure; Esther is not singled out by gesture, placement, or narrative focus. A nude female figure, adopting the stance of the well-known antique sculpture commonly referred to as the Medici Venus and attended by servants, may represent Esther, although this identification remains uncertain. The seven maids described in the biblical text are shown in balanced, dynamic groupings, bathing or grooming, their arrangement frieze-like in the manner of Antwerp Mannerist design, yet their bodies possess a warmth and weight absent from the earlier generation. Nude male and female attendants heighten the atmosphere of refined sensuality and domestic spectacle.
The architecture includes three mythological figures—Diana, Venus with Cupid, and Saturn devouring one of his children—serving as symbolic glosses: Diana for chastity, Venus for erotic allure, and Saturn for destructive paternal power. Above, a depiction of the Judgement of Paris casts the event in terms of competition, selection, and feminine vulnerability. Esther is not yet the queen or saviour of her people but an anonymous figure within a system of selection and adornment, surrounded by symbols of both danger and virtue.
These layers of meaning reflect the Antwerp Mannerist love of allegory and the fusion of sacred with mythological themes. Yet Wolfaerts departs from the earlier model: the figures are more substantial, the space coherent, and the tone warmer and more immediate. His training with Otto van Veen appears in the classical models and emblematic detail, but Rubens’s influence is clear in the weight and presence of the bodies, pushing the work toward the Baroque. The composition’s success—produced in multiple versions for the open market—lay in this suspension between meanings: a sacred story retold in classical language, appealing equally to piety, sensuality, and learned taste.
Traditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
Traditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, HertfordshireTraditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
This masterpiece was probably commissioned by Sir Robert Cecil (1563–1612), one of Elizabeth I’s most powerful ministers in her final years and a central organiser of her later intelligence operations. For centuries it hung at Hatfield House, the Cecil family seat. The face shows evidence of pattern transfer—most likely by means of a stencil or pounced cartoon—a technique typical of elite portrait production in late Elizabethan England. While traditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger, alternative attributions have included Isaac Oliver (c.1565–1617), John de Critz (c.1551–1642), and Robert Peake the Elder (c.1551–1619).
Elizabeth is shown holding a rainbow, a deliberate symbol of peace and harmony. The Latin inscription beside it, Non sine sole iris (‘No rainbow without the sun’), proclaims that peace (the rainbow) can only exist under her authority (the sun). The emblem-and-motto pairing was familiar from contemporary emblem books, ensuring that the intended meaning would be instantly understood by informed viewers. Her gown is lavishly embroidered with eyes and ears—an image of monarchical omniscience that alludes to the Queen’s vigilance and the reach of her intelligence network. This system, first developed under Sir Francis Walsingham and later expanded by Robert Cecil, was capable of infiltrating Catholic conspiracies, intercepting ciphered correspondence, and uncovering assassination plots. Walsingham’s network exposed the Babington Plot in 1586, leading to the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, while Cecil’s operations in the 1590s and early 1600s maintained the same rigorous surveillance, securing Elizabeth’s authority until the end of her reign.
Traditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, HertfordshireTraditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, HertfordshireTraditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, HertfordshireTraditionally attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (1561–after 1636), Rainbow Portrait of Elizabeth I, Oil on canvas, 128 x 101 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
The serpent on her sleeve symbolises wisdom and prudence, themes well established in Renaissance Neoplatonic and emblematic imagery, where the motif also carried moral and political associations. The elaborate fan behind her head, possibly of lace or set with jewels, serves a visual function akin to a radiant halo, reinforcing her image as a solar monarch in line with the broader Renaissance tradition of equating sovereign authority with the sun. Jewels and pearls, distributed throughout the composition, allude to virginity and purity—qualities central to the quasi-religious cult of Elizabeth’s self-fashioning as the ‘Virgin Queen’.
Jan Matsys (c. 1509–1575), Bathsheba Observed by King David, c. 1560s–early 1570s, Oil on panel, 110 x 76 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
Jan Matsys (c. 1509–1575), Bathsheba Observed by King David, c,1560s–early 1570s, Oil on panel, 110 x 76 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
Jan Massys (c.1509–1575), son of the more renowned Quinten Massys (c.1466–1530), turned decisively from his father’s pious and civic-minded subjects. Where Quinten treated religious themes with Gothic-inflected realism and dense devotional symbolism, Jan addressed a secular, courtly audience drawn to allegory, artifice, and eroticism.
His Bathsheba, drawn from 2 Samuel 11, exemplifies this shift. The biblical episode—David observing from a rooftop before inquiring about the woman—is reimagined in a polished, Italianate idiom. Bathsheba appears in the foreground, pale and statuesque, her skin rendered with porcelain smoothness, her hair coiled in gold netting and set with jewels. She gazes into a mirror, serene and self-contained. Her elongated, serpentine form reflects both Italian and Flemish Mannerist ideals: elegant, weightless, consciously artificial.
Behind her stand carved male statues, possibly personifications of Law and Wisdom. Their stony immobility heightens the contrast with Bathsheba’s living softness and underscores the moral tension—virtue observing as temptation unfolds. In the biblical account, David, from the loggia of an opposite building, asks a servant who she is; on learning that she is Bathsheba, wife of Uriah, he sets in motion a chain of lust, deceit, and murder.
The architecture conflates an imagined Jerusalem with elements familiar from sixteenth-century Antwerp: domes, loggias, arcades, and a bell tower create a civic backdrop for sacred history, situating the episode within a moralised contemporary framework. The mirror at the composition’s centre engages with vanitas traditions, carrying both flattering and admonitory associations—eroticising the figure while signalling moral peril.
Painted in the decades leading to the iconoclasm and religious upheavals of the Low Countries, the work balances on the edge between beauty and sin. Jan replaces the devotional gravity of his father’s altarpieces with the courtly language of Mannerism—stylised nudity, sculptural poise, moral allegory, and calculated artifice. This Bathsheba is not intended for public devotion but as moral theatre for the private eye, reflecting on the fragility of virtue, the seductions of power, and the unstable border between sacred text and worldly desire.
Jan Matsys (c. 1509–1575), Bathsheba Observed by King David, c. 1560s–early 1570s, Oil on panel, 110 x 76 cm, Hatfield House, HertfordshireJan Matsys (c. 1509–1575), Bathsheba Observed by King David, c. 1560s–early 1570s, Oil on panel, 110 x 76 cm, Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
Hatfield Old Palace was commissioned by John Morton (c.1420–1500), Archbishop of Canterbury, and built between about 1485 and 1497, though the precise chronology of construction is uncertain. Erected in red brick laid in Flemish bond with blackened brick diapering—both decorative and emblematic of high-status patronage introduced from the Low Countries—it exemplifies the refinement of late medieval brickwork in England. Architecturally, it combines late Perpendicular Gothic with early Renaissance elements, most notably in the proportional symmetry of its quadrangle and the axial alignment of the great hall, reflecting contemporary interest in continental proportioning. The plan followed established episcopal layouts influenced by Oxbridge colleges and other clerical residences such as Lambeth and Croydon, with a great hall on the south, domestic ranges, and a chapel arranged around a cloistered courtyard.
No architect’s name is recorded, but the work was likely designed and executed under the direction of experienced royal or ecclesiastical master masons conversant with both traditional Gothic and the emerging continental brick-building techniques. Acquired by Henry VIII in 1538, the palace became a royal residence of dynastic significance: Princess Elizabeth spent part of her youth here during Edward VI’s reign, and it was at Hatfield in 1558 that she learned of her accession to the throne.
In 1607, James I granted the estate to Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury (1563–1612). Soon after, much of the old palace was dismantled to provide brick for the construction of the new Hatfield House (1608–1611), with only the west range—including the great hall—retained for service use and preserved for its dynastic associations. Today, Hatfield Old Palace stands as a rare survival from the late medieval episcopal tradition, marking the threshold between the Gothic civic–ecclesiastical model and the Renaissance-influenced forms that would shape early Stuart elite architecture.
Hatfield Old Palace, Hatfield , HertfordshireHatfield Old Palace, Hatfield , Hertfordshire
Founded around 1240 on land held by the Bishops of Ely, St Etheldreda’s Church in Hatfield stands among Hertfordshire’s richest parish ensembles. The dedication to St Etheldreda, a seventh century East Anglian royal abbess, suggests earlier regional devotion and ecclesiastical continuity at the site. The earliest fabric is Early English Gothic: tall lancets pierce the chancel, Purbeck marble arches are tightly moulded, and the transept capitals bear finely carved stiff leaf foliage. A thirteenth century grave slab in the chancel, showing a cross legged knight in chainmail, likely a local retainer, is among the church’s earliest surviving monuments.
Undentified London Workshop, Double Alabaster Tomb of Elizabeth Brocket, and her mother Agnes Saunders,1612, St Etheldreda’s Church in Hatfield, Hertfordshire
The fourteenth century introduced Decorated Gothic tracery with flowing geometries, including quatrefoils, reticulated forms, and more fluent foliate carving. Between 1480 and 1500, a Perpendicular phase reshaped the building with a panelled clerestory, widened arcade, and a west tower marked by battlements and diagonal buttresses, reflecting the late medieval emphasis on height and structural clarity.
The Brocket Chapel, once the thirteenth century Ponsbourne Aisle, was rebuilt in the fifteenth century under Fortescue patronage. It contains the wall monument of Sir John Brocket, and beside it, the double alabaster tomb of Elizabeth Brocket, and her mother Agnes Saunders, carved in 1612 by London craftsmen.
The Salisbury family Chapel, added around 1610 to the north of the chancel, departs from the Gothic style. It is entered through three round headed arches resting on Tuscan columns, and its interior is composed with pilasters, strapwork ornament, painted heraldry, and moulded entablatures. The space is symmetrical and autonomous in character, shaped by Palladian and Northern Mannerist influence.
Though a parish church, St Etheldreda’s remained closely tied to power. Elizabeth the First received news of her accession nearby in 1558, and Charles the First attended worship here in 1647 while in captivity. A major nineteenth century restoration, in the spirit of the Gothic Revival, refurbished the structure while respecting its complex architectural history.
St Etheldreda’s Church in Hatfield, HertfordshireSt Etheldreda’s Church in Hatfield, HertfordshireThe Salisbury family Chapel, St Etheldreda’s Church in Hatfield, Hertfordshire
Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612
Hatfield House, completed in 1612 for Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury (1563–1612), Principal Secretary to both Elizabeth I and James I, is one of the most authentically preserved examples of the transitional architecture between the late Tudor tradition and the emerging Jacobean aesthetic. Designed by architect Robert Lyminge (fl. 1607–1628), the house reflects a sophisticated synthesis of Netherlandish, Italianate, and English architectural traditions.
Simon Basil (fl. 1590–1615), Surveyor of the King’s Works, collaborated on the technical design, while the layout reflects ideas popularised by John Thorpe (c. 1565–c. 1655), though his direct involvement is undocumented. The stairs, with its massive oak balustrade and scrolled carving, likely involved London joiners associated with Edward Stanyon (fl. c. 1620–1632).
The decorative plaster ceilings were begun by Richard Dungan (d. 1609), Royal Master Plasterer, and completed by his successor James Leigh (d. 1647). Leigh’s ceiling designs at Hatfield—particularly in the Long Gallery and Chapel—feature compressed strapwork grids, intersecting roundels, heraldic devices, and acanthus scrolls, originally painted in bright colours and gold leaf. In the Marble Hall, the ceiling incorporates painted canvases by Italian artist Antonio Verrio (c. 1636–1707), inserted in the later 17th century, depicting allegorical subjects framed by trompe-l’oeil plaster mouldings. In the 19th century, this ceiling was redesigned in pale marble tones under the direction of James Gascoyne-Cecil, 2nd Marquess of Salisbury (1791–1868), following a Victorian preference for subdued classicism over Jacobean polychromy.
The chapel at Hatfield House was built as part of the original construction between 1607 and 1612 but redesigned in the 19th century.The oak reredos, attributed to royal mason William Cure the Younger (1575–1632), features Ionic pilasters, a dentilled cornice, and scrolled pediment in restrained classical style y. The stained glass from 1610, depicting Old Testament scenes created by Richard Butler of Southwark, the French artist Louis Dauphin, and Martin van Bentheim of Emden.
Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612Hatfield House in Hertfordshire., c.1612Hatfield House in HertfordshireHatfield House in Hertfordshire