Bernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture Gallery
Bernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture Gallery
The masterpiece captures the charged instant when myth turns on the man who dares to look. Actaeon, mid-step and mid-curse, already wears the antlers of his fate—a hunter becoming the hunted. This isn’t a moment of warning; the punishment has begun. Diana, cold and distant, stands among her nymphs like a vision carved from ivory, unbothered by his horror. Painted in the late 16th century, the scene reflects the high-flown elegance of Northern Mannerism: bodies stretched like music, gestures tangled like vines, beauty laced with danger. It suited Habsburg taste perfectly—where art was meant to astonish, instruct, and delight in equal measure.
Although Rijckere was based in Ghent and is not documented as a court painter in Prague, his painting entered the collection of Emperor Rudolf II (1552–1612), likely through the extensive art networks and diplomatic channels maintained by the Habsburg court. Rudolph II collected one of the most ambitious collections of mythological and allegorical paintings in Europe, favouring works that merged classical subject matter with erotic intensity and intellectual symbolism.
The painting’s close stylistic resemblance to the work of Bartholomeus Spranger (1546–1611) and Hans von Aachen (1552–1615), both leading court painters in Rudolf’s service, is striking. Like Rijckere, these artists synthesised Italian Mannerist influence (especially from Parmigianino and Giulio Romano) with Northern refined details and a heightened emotional register. Their art, often erotic and elaborately allegorical, fulfilled Rudolf’s desire to stage imperial power as a theatre of learning, beauty, and esoteric wisdom.
Bernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture GalleryBernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture GalleryBernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture GalleryBernaert de Rijckere (active c. 1535–1590), Diana Surprised by Actaeon, c. 1580s–1590s, Oil on panel, Prague Castle Picture Gallery
The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, Prague, long attributed to Baccio del Bianco (1604–1656), are now credited to Domenico Pugliani (1589–1658), following the discovery of a contract dated 16 March 1628. Del Bianco, who worked briefly in Prague from 1623, likely only supplied preliminary designs. Pugliani, trained in the Florentine tradition of Matteo Rosselli (1578–1650), painted the cycle with characteristic clarity and restraint, bringing Florentine Baroque refinement to Bohemia at the height of the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648). Commissioned by Albrecht von Wallenstein (1583–1634), recently made Duke of Friedland, the corridor was part of a larger visual programme designed to present him as a princely, cosmopolitan, and divinely favoured commander.
The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s
In the fresco of Mercury and Argus, the god Mercury (Hermes) slays the watchful Argus to free Io, representing intelligence triumphing over brute surveillance—an emblem of strategic mastery. Diana and Actaeon shows the hunter punished for intruding on divine space, a warning against violating sovereign boundaries. Perseus and Medusa depicts divine heroism defeating monstrosity, echoing the control of fear through sanctioned violence. The scene of Callisto turned into a bear symbolises divine rivalry and the fall from grace, a veiled warning about courtly intrigue. In the Rape of Europa, Jupiter, disguised as a bull, abducts Europa across the sea—an allegory for conquest through seduction, linking classical myth with imperial ambition.
The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s . The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s. The frescoes of the Mythological Corridor in Wallenstein Palace, painted in the 1620s.
Jan Wierix (1549–1615), Posthumous Portrait of Hieronymus Cock (1517/18–1570), 1572, Copperplate engraving, from ‘Pictorum aliquot celebrium Germaniae inferioris effigies’, 31.5 cm × 19.5 cm, second state impression, Published by his widow, Volcxken Diericx (1525–1600) in Antwerp, the National Gallery, Prague
Jan Wierix (1549–1615), Posthumous Portrait of Hieronymus Cock (1517/18–1570), 1572, Copperplate engraving, from ‘Pictorum aliquot celebrium Germaniae inferioris effigies’, 31.5 cm × 19.5 cm, second state impression, Published by his widow, Volcxken Diericx (1525–1600) in Antwerp, the National Gallery, Prague
This posthumous portrait of Hieronymus Cock (1517/18–1570), created two years after his death, commemorates one of the key figures in the visual culture of sixteenth-century Northern Europe. As a publisher, running his Antwerp press workshop ‘Aux Quatre Vents’, Cock and his wife played a central role in the iconographic revolution of the later Renaissance by disseminating the compositions of Italian masters includigg the works by Raphael, Michelangelo, and Bronzino, alongside leading Netherlandish artists. Their prints made the visual language of the High Renaissance accessible to new audiences across Europe and helped shape the artistic vocabulary of subsequent generations.
The engraving depicts Cock pointing to a skull—an emblem of mortality and a traditional attribute of St Jerome, his namesake. The image’s contemplative tone is deepened by Latin epigram by the humanist Dominicus Lampsonius (1532–1599), which underscores the tension between portraiture and death, presence and absence. The poem reads:
⸻
Am I deceived? Or is it truly your face, Hieronymus?
That the artist shaped only after your death?
There’s something faded, inert in this image—
Even the eyes of the unlearned can feel its absence.
Alas! Your skull speaks more loudly than all else,
Lifted in your left hand as an eternal gesture:
These men came before you, Cock, and you followed—
Now you summon them to join you in death.
⸻
After Cock’s death in 1570, his wife continued the press for a further thirty years. Nearly 2,000 prints were issued under their imprint, and Antwerp rose to prominence as a centre of European printmaking. This portrait, with its sombre tone and philosophical depth, mirrors Cock’s life’s work: the dissemination of visual culture across space and time, and the enduring dialogue between art and mortality.
References
Van Grieken, J., Luijten, G. and Van der Stock, J. (eds) (2013). Hieronymus Cock: The Renaissance in Print. Brussels: Mercatorfonds / New Haven: Yale University Press
According to tradition, the Holy House of the Virgin Mary in Nazareth was miraculously transported by angels in 1294 to Loreto on the Adriatic coast of Italy, where it became one of the most famous pilgrimage centres in Europe. The first Loreto sanctuary thus arose in Loreto itself, and its cult spread quickly across Catholic Europe in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with replicas built in Austria, Germany, Poland, Bohemia, and beyond as powerful symbols of Marian devotion and Catholic identity. The splendid Baroque–Rococo Loreta in Prague, conceived in the early seventeenth century and later transformed by the Dientzenhofer family and their successors, stands as one of the most ambitious Central European responses to this cult, uniting the architecture of the Holy House tradition with the exuberance of Bohemian Baroque and Rococo piety.
The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague
Christoph Dientzenhofer (1655–1722) began the church’s reconstruction, designing the western façade with a bold, rhythmical energy typical of the mature Baroque. After his death, his son Kilian Ignaz Dientzenhofer (1689–1751) took over, completing the façade with subtle refinements and adding the terrace and balustrade before it—a gesture already leaning towards the lighter, more ornate language of Rococo that would become more established in the following decades.
The final phase of building was completed in 1735 by Johann Georg Aichbauer, a colleague of the Dientzenhofers, under the patronage of Countess Maria Margarethe Waldstein. The church was consecrated on 7 June 1737, though work on the interior continued into the following year. The high altar centres on a painting of the Adoration, possibly from the circle of Fra Filippo Lippi (c. 1406–1469), framed by lavish rocaille ornament and flanked by sculptures of Saints Joseph, Joachim, God the Father, and angels by Matthias Schönherr (1701–1743), whose work captures the shift from late Baroque weight to early Rococo refinement.
The chancel altars of Saints Felicissimus and Marcia contain reliquary cases, while the nave altars display Rococo paintings of Saint Apollonia and Saint Agatha by Anton Kern (1709–1747), accompanied by expressive sculpted cherubs by Richard Prachner—delicate in form and full of movement—in keeping with Rococo’s lightness and intimacy.
Overhead, frescoes of the Nativity and the Adoration of the Magi were painted by Joseph Adam Schöpf (1702–1772),and above the chancel: The Presentation of Christ in the Temple by Wenzel Lorenz Reiner (1696–1743), whose bold handling and clarity of form remain rooted in the power of the Bohemian Baroque.
The church’s architectural ensemble as a whole reflects a moment of stylistic transition, when the drama and scale of Baroque architecture gave way—gently but unmistakably—to the ornamental charm of the Rococo.
The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague The Church of the Nativity of Our Lord in Loreta Monastery in Prague Loreta Monastery in Prague
Canaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, Prague
Canaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, Prague
Every element in the painting is deliberate. Canaletto compresses London’s architectural, civic, religious, and commercial identity into a single, choreographed panorama—rendered with topographical precision and a profound understanding of the City’s evolving self-image.
At the centre rises the monumental dome of St Paul’s Cathedral, completed in 1710 to Wren’s design, the defining emblem of post-Fire London. Around it stand the spires of Wren’s rebuilt churches, each marked by form and site. To the west, St Bride’s, Fleet Street, ascends with its tiered ‘wedding-cake’ spire, while nearby St Martin Ludgate shows a pointed steeple above Ludgate Hill. Flanking St Paul’s south side is the modest St Augustine, Watling Street, and just beyond, the low dome of St Stephen Walbrook, a smaller echo of the cathedral.
To the east, St Mary-le-Bow, with its tall chevron-patterned spire and famed Bow Bells, stands beside St Mary Aldermary, whose rare Gothic pinnacles deliberately revive medieval forms within Wren’s City. In the merchant quarters further east, St Michael Paternoster Royal is marked by its classical octagonal spire with urns. Also visible are St Olave, Old Jewry, with its square tower capped by obelisks, and St Giles-without-Cripplegate to the north, recognisable by its crenellated medieval tower, one of the few to survive the Fire. At the north end of London Bridge stands St Magnus the Martyr. Nearby, the Monument, is a solemn marker of the city’s rebirth. In the foreground, the River Thames is animated by ceremonial barges, flags, and musicians—part of the Lord Mayor’s Day procession. The wharves are lined with warehouses, merchant houses, and the massive guildhalls that underpinned London’s economic power.
To the east, the Tower of London anchors the composition. Just beside it, Old London Bridge is shown before its demolition, its deck still supporting a dense line of shops, houses, and even a chapel—a relic of medieval London soon to vanish.
Canaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, PragueCanaletto (1697-1768), The River Thames with St Paul’s Cathedral on Lord Mayor’s Day, c. 1748, Oil on canvas, 118 x 238 cm, the Lobkowicz Palace, Prague
St. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Františka z Assisi) in Prague was built between 1679 and 1688 to designs by Jean-Baptiste Mathey (1630–1695), a French architect working in Bohemia whose work reflects the influence of Roman High Baroque filtered through the French classicist formula. His design introduced a more regular, centralised spatial scheme to Prague, while respecting local Baroque traditions already shaped by Italian models and Bohemian liturgical needs. Mathey was also responsible for the remodelled façade of the Archbishop’s Palace and the celebrated Troja Chateau, further consolidating his role in shaping the Baroque identity of Prague.
St. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in Prague
The church was commissioned by the Knights of the Cross with the Red Star, the only male religious order founded by a woman—St Agnes of Bohemia (1211–1282)—and replaced the earlier Gothic Church of the Holy Spirit, founded in 1252, of which masonry remains are preserved below ground. It was one of the first domed churches in Prague, predating later centralised churches of the Castle district.
The plan is octagonal with a dominant dome rising 40.88 metres above the floor. The dome was frescoed in 1722–1723 by Václav Vavřinec Reiner (1689–1743), who depicted The Last Judgement in dynamic vertical movement, with Christ enthroned above apostles, angels, and the ascending elect. The high altar bears The Stigmatisation of St Francis by Jan Kryštof Liška (1650–1712), portraying the six-winged seraph appearing to Francis on Mount La Verna. Sculptures of St. Augustine and St. Helena by Matthias Bernard Braun (1684–1738), carved around 1700–1701 in collaboration with Ottavio Quittainer, flank the altar. Michael Leopold Willmann (1630–1706) painted the side altars—Assumption of the Virgin, Finding of the True Cross, and Expulsion of the Merchants from the Temple—between 1701 and 1702. The organ, built 1701–1702 by Abraham Starck of Loket (c.1670–after 1719), is the second oldest in Prague and was played by W. A. Mozart (1756–1791) and Antonín Dvořák (1841–1904).
St. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in PragueSt. Francis of Assisi Church (Kostel sv. Frantiska z Assisi) in Prague
St Vitus Cathedral, PragueSt Vitus Cathedral, Prague
In 1344, Charles IV (1316–1378), King of Bohemia and soon to be Holy Roman Emperor, sent for a Frenchman. Matthias of Arras (c.1290–1352) was working at the papal court in Avignon, the temporary seat of the papacy and the richest architectural laboratory in fourteenth-century Europe. Charles wanted a cathedral, and he wanted it to look French. The choice was deliberate. Prague had just been elevated from a bishopric to an archbishopric, a promotion secured partly through Charles’s personal relationship with Pope Clement VI (1291–1352), who had been his tutor. The new cathedral was to announce that Prague belonged among the great ecclesiastical capitals of Christendom, and the language chosen for that announcement was Rayonnant Gothic, the court style of the French royal house. Matthias obliged. His plan drew on the cathedrals of Narbonne and Rodez in southern France: a triple-naved basilica with flying buttresses, a short transept, a five-bayed choir, and a decagonal apse with ambulatory and radiating chapels. The proportions were sober, the lines vertical, the vocabulary entirely Parisian. It was, in effect, an import.
But there is something worth pausing over here. The ground on which Matthias laid his plans was not empty. A rotunda dedicated to St Vitus had stood on this site since around 925, founded by Duke Wenceslas I (c.907–935), the same figure later sentimentalised in the English Christmas carol. Wenceslas had acquired a relic of St Vitus, the arm of the saint, from Emperor Henry I (c.876–936), and there is a persistent suggestion (difficult to verify, but repeated in Czech scholarship) that the choice of Vitus was strategic: the saint’s name echoed that of the Slavic solar deity Svantovít, making Christian conversion an easier sell to a population still entangled with older beliefs. By the eleventh century, the rotunda had given way to a Romanesque basilica with two steeples, established when the bishopric of Prague was founded in 1060. Parts of the earlier rotunda were incorporated into the Gothic cathedral, and the tomb of Wenceslas remained where it had always been. The building changed; the saint did not move. That detail alone tells you something about what the site meant, long before Charles IV arrived with his French architect and his European ambitions.
Matthias worked for eight years and completed the eastern end of the choir: eight chapels with identical floor plans in a horseshoe arrangement, the arcade, and the ambulatory up to the triforium level. It was careful, competent, and somewhat rigid. He died in Prague in 1352, and after a four-year search for a successor, Charles made an extraordinary appointment. Peter Parler (1330–1399) was twenty-three years old, from Schwäbisch Gmünd in Swabia, and came from a distinguished family of builders (his father Heinrich had designed the Heiligkreuzkirche [Church of the Holy Cross] in Gmünd). But he was young, and it is worth asking why Charles chose him. The most convincing explanation is that Parler offered something Matthias had not: a willingness to depart from the French model. As Paul Crossley (1945–2019), the great historian of Central European Gothic, argued, Charles’s architectural patronage was never simply about prestige by imitation. It was about making Prague the centre of a new kind of imperial culture, one that absorbed French, Italian, and German ideas and reshaped them into something recognisably Bohemian.
Parler did exactly that. He inherited a choir designed to French principles and turned it into something else entirely. His net vaulting, a web of ribs that refuses to follow the bay divisions of the plan below, broke decisively with the French quadripartite vault. It is a genuinely radical structural idea, and it spread across Central Europe in the decades that followed, influencing the Stephansdom in Vienna, the Strasbourg Cathedral, and dozens of parish churches from Silesia to Bavaria. The term sometimes applied to this development is Sondergotik [Special Gothic], a label that raises its own questions. Was this a regional style, consciously opposed to French models? Or was it simply what happened when a gifted young architect was given freedom to experiment in a place where the French tradition was present but not yet dominant? Crossley leaned towards the latter, and it seems right. Parler was not rejecting France; he was absorbing it and thinking beyond it.
His other great intervention in the choir was the triforium portrait gallery: twenty-one sandstone busts set into the pillars of the inner gallery, carved by Parler’s workshop from 1375 onwards. They include Charles IV and his family (his four wives, his son Wenceslas IV [1361–1419], and other members of the Luxembourg dynasty), the archbishops of Prague (beginning with Arnošt of Pardubice [1297–1364], the first to hold that title), the directors of the cathedral works, and, crucially, the two master builders themselves, Matthias and Parler. Parler’s bust is widely described as the first self-portrait in European sculpture. That claim deserves a degree of scepticism (how do we know it was carved from life, and not idealised like the rest?), but the intention is clear: the architect placed himself alongside the emperor, the churchman, and the saint. In the 1370s, that was a statement about the status of the builder that had no real parallel in northern Europe. The busts are also painted, their coats of arms polychrome. Recent X-ray fluorescence analysis of the pigments has confirmed the original colour scheme, and the care taken over heraldic accuracy suggests these were not decorative afterthoughts but central to the gallery’s meaning.
The most richly decorated space in the cathedral is the Chapel of St Wenceslas, built by Parler between 1356 and 1364 and completed, in terms of its decorative programme, by about 1373. The lower walls are lined with over 1,300 semi-precious stones (red jasper, purple amethyst, green chrysoprase), their joints covered in gold, the whole intended to evoke the Heavenly Jerusalem described in the Book of Revelation. Above the stone inlay, the Passion of Christ cycle, painted in 1372–1373, constitutes the oldest surviving painted decoration in the present cathedral. These frescoes are not large-scale narrative painting in the Italian sense; they are integrated into an architectural surface that is itself the image, the walls operating simultaneously as structure, reliquary, and theology. The upper register carries a cycle of thirty-one scenes from the life of St Wenceslas, added over a century later (1506–1509) and attributed to the workshop of the Master of the Litoměřice Altarpiece. The gap in dates is telling. The lower Passion cycle belongs to Charles IV’s original decorative campaign; the upper Wenceslas cycle was commissioned under the Jagiellonian dynasty, in a different political climate, with different priorities. The chapel thus carries two layers of dynastic investment, separated by the catastrophe of the Hussite Wars. A Gothic statue of St Wenceslas by Jindřich Parler (d. after 1387), Peter’s nephew, stands at the centre, carved in limestone in 1373. The chapel is not open to visitors, though it can be seen through the doorways, and the door in its south-west corner leads via a narrow staircase to the Crown Chamber, where the Bohemian crown jewels are kept behind seven locks.
On the south façade, the Golden Gate (Zlatá brána) provides the cathedral’s ceremonial entrance. Commissioned by Charles IV in 1370 and completed by 1371, the mosaic of the Last Judgement above the triple-arched portal is the most important exterior monumental medieval mosaic north of the Alps. It covers approximately eighty-four square metres and is composed of roughly one million pieces of coloured glass and gilded tesserae, executed in thirty-one shades. The technique is Italian, probably Venetian, and the commission sits within Charles’s broader pattern of importing Italian artisans and ideas (as he did at Karlštejn Castle). The entire background was originally gilded, hence the name. But the mosaic’s history is also a conservation story. The glass used potash rather than soda as a flux (soda being scarce in Central Europe), and the resulting potassium leached out over centuries, forming a corrosion layer that obscured the colours.
After Parler’s death in 1399, his sons Wenceslas and Johann completed the clock tower and transept, but the Hussite Wars (1419–1436) brought construction to a halt. The cathedral workshop, which had operated continuously for nearly a century, closed. Hussite iconoclasts damaged furnishings, pictures, and sculptures. A great fire in 1541 destroyed more. For roughly five hundred years, the building stood half-finished: the Gothic choir complete and closed off behind a temporary wall, the nave represented by a timber-roofed structure where services were held separately. For most of its existence, St Vitus was a ruin in progress.
The completion came in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, driven by the Czech National Revival, a cultural and political movement that made finishing the cathedral a project of national identity within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 1844, a society was formed, the Union for the Completion of the Cathedral of St Vitus in Prague, and work began in earnest under Josef Kranner (1801–1871) in the 1860s, continued by Josef Mocker (1835–1899) from 1873, and concluded by Kamil Hilbert (1869–1933), who oversaw the completion of the nave and west façade. Mocker’s neo-Gothic west end, with its twin towers, is a skilful exercise in stylistic continuity, working from Parler’s original plans where they survived. The rose window, designed by František Kysela (1881–1941) and completed in 1927, depicts the Creation in a modernist idiom that sits startlingly against the Gothic shell. In the north nave, Alfons Mucha (1860–1939) contributed an Art Nouveau stained-glass window depicting Saints Cyril and Methodius, finished in 1931, which has no business being in a Gothic cathedral and is all the better for it. Hilbert and Mocker were themselves memorialised in stone bas-reliefs in the spandrels of the rose window, a gesture that consciously echoed Parler’s triforium gallery five centuries earlier. The architect remembering the architect: a pattern this building keeps repeating.
The cathedral was consecrated on 29 September 1929, timed to coincide with the thousandth anniversary of the death of St Wenceslas. Czechoslovakia had been an independent state for barely a decade. The completion of St Vitus was, by then, as much a political act as a religious one, a new nation finishing the work of a medieval emperor to claim continuity with a past it was in many respects inventing. And perhaps that is the most interesting thing about this building. It contains no single style, no consistent programme, no unified vision. It is a French Rayonnant choir, a Swabian experiment in structural freedom, a jewelled reliquary chapel, a Venetian mosaic, a five-hundred-year gap, a neo-Gothic exercise in national self-assertion, and an Art Nouveau window.
Crossley, P. (2000) ‘The Politics of Presentation: The Architecture of Charles IV of Bohemia’, in Rees Jones, S., Marks, R. and Minnis, A.J. (eds.) Courts and Regions in Medieval Europe. York: York Medieval Press, pp. 99–172
Frankl, P. and Crossley, P. (2000) Gothic Architecture. Revised edn. New Haven and London: Yale University Press
Opačić, Z. and Timmermann, A. (eds.) (2011) Architecture, Liturgy and Identity: Liber Amicorum Paul Crossley. Studies in Gothic Art, 1. Turnhout: Brepols
Schurr, M.C. (2003) Die Baukunst Peter Parlers: Der Prager Veitsdom, das Heiligkreuzmünster in Schwäbisch Gmünd und die Bartholomäuskirche zu Kolín. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag
The event that triggered the Bohemian revolt of 1618, and with it a war that would consume Central Europe for thirty years, depopulate whole regions of the Empire, and redraw its religious and political boundaries, grew out of a confrontation over violated freedoms of worship.
The two imperial governors went out first. Jaroslav Bořita of Martinice (1582–1649) and Vilém Slavata of Chlum (1572–1652) were seized by a group of Protestant Bohemian nobles and thrown from a window of the council room roughly sixteen metres above the ground. Filip Fabricius (1570–1632), a minor official who had the misfortune to be taking minutes that morning, followed them out. All three survived. How they did so became, almost immediately, a confessional question. Catholic writers attributed their preservation to the intervention of the Virgin Mary, whose angels bore them gently down. Protestant accounts, rather less reverently, pointed to the large mound of horse dung and household refuse that had accumulated in the dry moat below. The truth, as Peter Wilson has observed, probably owed more to the slope of the castle walls and the victims’ heavy winter clothing than to either theology or manure (Wilson, 2009, pp. 270–271). Fabricius was later ennobled by Emperor Ferdinand II (1578–1637) with the delicious title von Hohenfall, ‘of the High Fall,’ a reward that tells us something about the Habsburg talent for converting humiliation into bureaucratic dignity.
The defenestration took place on 23 May 1618 in the Old Royal Palace at Prague Castle. The nobles who carried it out were incensed by what they regarded as systematic violations of the religious freedoms guaranteed under the Letter of Majesty (1609). That document, extracted from Emperor Rudolf II (1552–1612) at a moment when he was politically isolated and in no position to refuse, had granted Bohemian Protestants the right to build churches, establish schools, and worship without interference. It was an extraordinary concession, and it held for less than a decade. Rudolf’s successors, first Matthias (1557–1619) and then Ferdinand of Styria, treated it less as settled law than as an embarrassment to be quietly unpicked.
Ferdinand’s own position left little to the imagination. Educated by the Jesuits at the University of Ingolstadt, he had already shown his hand by suppressing Protestant worship in his territories of Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola during the 1590s, closing churches and expelling ministers with a methodical efficiency that left no room for optimistic misreading. His election as King of Bohemia in 1617 alarmed Protestant leaders who could see plainly enough where policy was heading. When the imperial regents in Prague ordered the closure of two Protestant churches built on land claimed by Catholic ecclesiastical authorities, and then imprisoned several Protestant representatives who had the temerity to object, the Bohemian estates concluded that further negotiation was pointless.
The act itself, carried out at the window of the Ludwig Wing, was violent, but it was also, in a strange way, traditional. Prague had done this before. In 1419, during the Hussite Wars, a crowd led by the radical priest Jan Želivský (c. 1380–1422) had thrown the burgomaster and several town councillors from the windows of the New Town Hall, killing them. That earlier defenestration had triggered fifteen years of religious warfare in Bohemia. The Protestant nobles of 1618 were conscious of the precedent, and perhaps of the symbolic grammar it established: to throw a man from a window in Prague was to declare, in a language older than any charter, that the existing authority had forfeited its legitimacy. Whether the men in the council room thought of themselves as performing a ritual or simply losing their tempers is a question the sources cannot quite settle.
What followed was, at first, a local affair. The Bohemian estates deposed Ferdinand and offered his crown to Frederick V of the Palatinate (1596–1632), a young Calvinist prince whose brief and hapless reign earned him the nickname ‘the Winter King’, since it lasted barely a single season. The Battle of White Mountain on 8 November 1620, fought just outside Prague, ended the Bohemian phase of the conflict in under two hours. Frederick fled. Ferdinand returned, and the reckoning was savage: twenty-seven leaders of the revolt were executed in the Old Town Square on 21 June 1621, their heads displayed on the Charles Bridge. The Letter of Majesty was symbolically cut to pieces by the imperial chancellor. Bohemia’s elective monarchy was abolished, the country was forcibly re-Catholicised, and the Czech language was systematically displaced from public life . One of the most religiously pluralistic kingdoms in Europe was remade, within a generation, into a laboratory for religious absolutism.
The revolt, however, refused to stay local. It spread. The involvement of Frederick V drew in the princes of the Protestant Union. Spain intervened on the Habsburg side. Denmark entered in 1625, Sweden in 1630 under Gustavus Adolphus (1594–1632), and France, a Catholic power fighting against Catholic Habsburgs for reasons that had everything to do with politics and nothing to do with theology, in 1635. Each new belligerent arrived with its own territorial ambitions and dynastic calculations, and the war swallowed them all. How does one even describe a conflict that was simultaneously a religious war, a dynastic war, a constitutional crisis, and, in its later phases, something approaching a general European struggle over the balance of power? With difficulty, mostly.
The human cost resists comprehension even at this distance. Demographic studies estimate that the population of the Holy Roman Empire fell by between 15 and 20 per cent overall, with regional losses reaching 40 to 50 per cent in the worst-affected areas (Wilson, 2009, p. 787). Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Württemberg were devastated. In Bohemia itself, the population may have declined from roughly three million to fewer than 800,000 (Parker, 2006, p. 211). Armies lived off the land, stripping villages and towns of food, livestock, and anything portable, and the killing was rarely confined to battlefields. Famine followed the armies, and plague followed the famine. Matthäus Merian’s (1593–1650) engravings, produced for the Theatrum Europaeum, recorded scenes of civilian suffering, mass displacement, and destruction with a documentary precision that still troubles the viewer. Entire cities were sacked and burned: Magdeburg, stormed by imperial forces in May 1631, lost perhaps 20,000 of its 25,000 inhabitants in a single day of massacre and fire (Wedgwood, 1938, pp. 298–302).
The war ended as wars of exhaustion tend to, through a negotiated settlement so intricate that it took four years to draft. The Peace of Westphalia (1648), concluded in the twin cities of Münster and Osnabrück, established a framework for European diplomacy that rested on the sovereignty of individual states rather than the universal authority of emperor or pope. The principle cuius regio, eius religio, already established at the Peace of Augsburg (1555), was confirmed and extended to include Calvinism. The old dream of a unified Christendom under imperial leadership, already threadbare before 1618, was formally set aside. What took its place was something recognisably modern: a system of sovereign states defined by borders, treaties, and the calculated management of competing interests . Whether this amounted to progress depends, of course, on what one means by the word.
The defenestration sits oddly in history, as such moments tend to do. The conflict it is credited with starting had been assembling itself for decades, in contested treaty clauses, in the seizure of Donauwörth, in the formation of armed confessional leagues, in the slow collapse of every mechanism the Empire possessed for managing disagreement. The window in the Ludwig Wing did not create any of that. Three men fell, and survived, and the world that had held itself together through compromise and deferral could not hold any longer. It is difficult, four centuries later, to stand in that room and not feel the disproportion between the smallness of the act and the enormity of what followed. A secretary’s minutes, unfinished on the table. A pile of refuse in the moat below. And then thirty years of war, eight million dead, and a Europe that would never again attempt to govern itself as a single Christian body. The window is still there. The room is still there. Whether what happened in it was the beginning of something, or simply the last moment before an ending that was already under way, remains, in the end, a question about how much weight a single morning can bear.
Window in the Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509 Window in the Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509 Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509 Window in the Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509 Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509 Ludwig Wing, Old Royal Palace, Prague Castle, Prague, designed by Benedikt Rejt (c. 1450 – between 1531 and 1536), built circa 1503–1509
References
Bireley, R. (2003) The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts, and Confessors. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Louthan, H. (2009) Converting Bohemia: Force and Persuasion in the Catholic Reformation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Parker, G. (ed.) (2006) The Thirty Years’ War. 2nd edn. London: Routledge
Wedgwood, C.V. (1938) The Thirty Years War. London: Jonathan Cape
Whaley, J. (2012) Germany and the Holy Roman Empire. Volume II: The Peace of Westphalia to the Dissolution of the Reich, 1648–1806. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Wilson, P.H. (2009) The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press