Month: May 2024

  • Govert Flinck’s Shepherd and the Problem of Painting Your Teacher

     Govert Flinck (1615-1660), Rembrandt as a Shepherd with a Staff and Flute, c. 1636, Oil on canvas, 75.1× 64.4cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, on loan to  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp

    Govert Flinck (1615-1660), Rembrandt as a Shepherd with a Staff and Flute, c. 1636, Oil on canvas, 75.1× 64.4cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, on loan to  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
    Govert Flinck (1615-1660), Rembrandt as a Shepherd with a Staff and Flute, c. 1636, Oil on canvas, 75.1× 64.4cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, on loan to  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp

    Flinck’s father, a cloth merchant in the German town of Cleves, had no intention of raising a painter. The boy was apprenticed to a silk mercer, and the family’s Mennonite respectability pointed toward trade, not art. It took the intervention of Lambert Jacobsz (c. 1592–1637), a fellow Mennonite who was as much an itinerant preacher as he was a painter, to persuade the elder Flinck that his son’s instincts might be worth indulging. Around 1629–1630, the young Govert followed Jacobsz to Leeuwarden, where he trained alongside Jacob Adriaensz Backer (1608–1651), seven years his senior. By 1636 or perhaps a little earlier, Flinck had entered Rembrandt’s Amsterdam studio, lodging in the house of the art dealer Hendrick van Uylenburgh (c. 1587–1661), whose family connections to the master ran deep: Uylenburgh’s cousin Saskia (1612–1642) had married Rembrandt in 1634. Houbraken, ever ready to flatter, claimed Flinck mastered Rembrandt’s manner in a single year of study, though his earliest signed works from 1636 still carry visible traces of Jacobsz’s looser handling, which makes the claim feel generous.

    This tronie, one of Flinck’s first independent compositions, shows a half-length male figure crowned with a laurel wreath, holding a flute and a shepherd’s crook, with an earring in his right ear. The physiognomy bears a striking resemblance to Rembrandt’s own features, particularly as recorded in an etching of 1630, and the identification of the sitter as the master himself has held since at least the eighteenth century. It is worth pausing over what this means. A pupil, still finding his way, paints his teacher in pastoral costume, wreathed in laurel, gazing outward with an expression that sits somewhere between self-possession and gentle amusement. Is this homage? Flattery? A studio exercise with a willing model who happened to be the most famous painter in Amsterdam? The tronie genre allows all of these readings and commits to none, which is perhaps the point.

    The painting was conceived as one half of a pendant pair. Its companion, a Shepherdess dated 1636, now in the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, is modelled closely on Rembrandt’s Flora of 1634 (State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg). Flinck borrowed the pose and costume from his teacher’s composition, including the placement of the woman’s left hand on her protruding abdomen, a conventional sign of nature’s fecundity, though he reduced the figure to half-length and gave her a crook rather than a floral staff. The pair appeared together in an Amsterdam sale of 1700, described simply as two tronies of a shepherd and shepherdess by Flinck, and were later recorded at Schloss Salzdahlum in the collection of August Wilhelm (1715–1781), Duke of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel-Bevern. During the Napoleonic upheavals, the pendants were separated. The Shepherdess eventually returned to Braunschweig; the Shepherd vanished from the record until it surfaced at a Frankfurt sale in 1920 and passed through several dealers before the Rijksmuseum acquired it in 1942 from Paul Brandt , a controversial wartime purchase whose provenance the museum has flagged for further scrutiny.

    The traditional identification of the shepherdess as Saskia van Uylenburgh is persistent but doubtful. Comparison with the only secure likeness of Saskia, Rembrandt’s silverpoint drawing of 1633, does not support it, and was firmly rejected by Van den Brink in the 1993 catalogue for The Dreamland: Pastoral Painting in the Golden Age. The Rijksmuseum’s wall text continues to call her Saskia, which is a useful reminder that institutional labels can outlive the scholarship they were once based on. Regardless of whether Rembrandt or Saskia posed for these works, they were conceived as genre types within the well-established pastoral tradition, not as formal portraits.

    That tradition had its Dutch roots in the 1620s, when Utrecht painters such as Abraham Bloemaert (1566–1651) and Paulus Moreelse (1571–1638) began producing pendant pairs of shepherds and shepherdesses, often with pronounced Italianate warmth and a fair amount of exposed flesh. By the mid-1630s, Amsterdam painters had taken up the mode, Backer among them. Flinck’s pair is strikingly chaste by comparison. His shepherd is fully clothed in a thick coat, painted in broad, slightly slack strokes of purplish-blue that recall Lambert Jacobsz’s manner more than Rembrandt’s. Even the shepherdess reveals none of the generous décolletage favoured by the Utrecht school. Whether this restraint reflects Flinck’s Mennonite sensibility, his personal temperament, or simply his reading of what the Amsterdam market wanted from a young painter still working within Uylenburgh’s orbit is an open question. In 1645, Flinck married Ingeltje Thoveling (d. 1651), the daughter of a vice-admiral and director of the Rotterdam branch of the Dutch East India Company, who belonged to the Remonstrant church. After her death, Flinck had himself baptised in her faith, leaving behind his Mennonite upbringing. By then he was a different painter altogether, pursuing a Flemish Baroque manner inspired by Rubens and receiving commissions from the Amsterdam patriciate, the Elector of Brandenburg, and Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679), governor of Cleves. The quiet shepherd of 1636, still half-dressed in his first teacher’s style, belongs to a world Flinck would soon leave behind.

    Govert Flinck (1615-1660), Rembrandt as a Shepherd with a Staff and Flute, c. 1636, Oil on canvas, 75.1× 64.4cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, on loan to  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
    Govert Flinck (1615-1660), Rembrandt as a Shepherd with a Staff and Flute, c. 1636, Oil on canvas, 75.1× 64.4cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, on loan to  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp

    References

    Bikker, J. (2023) ‘Govert Flinck, Shepherd, c. 1636′, in Bikker, J. (ed.) Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century in the Rijksmuseum, online collection catalogue. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum.Available at:https://www.rijksmuseum.nl/en/collection/object/Rembrandt-as-a-Shepherd-with-a-Staff-and-Flute–54826461a78c38472d670ca1cdae78a4 (Accessed 27 May 2024)

    Horn, H.J. and Van Leeuwen, R. (2021) Houbraken Translated: Arnold Houbraken’s Great Theatre of the Netherlandish Painters and Paintresses. RKD Studies. The Hague: RKD – Netherlands Institute for Art History. Available at: houbraken-translated.rkdstudies.nl ( Accessed 26 may 2024)

    McNeil Kettering, A. (1983) The Dutch Arcadia: Pastoral Art and its Audience in the Golden Age. Montclair

    Sluijter, E.J. (2015) Rembrandt’s Rivals: History Painting in Amsterdam 1630–1650. Amsterdam/Philadelphia

    Sumowski, W. (1984) Gemälde der Rembrandt-Schüler, II. New York

    Van den Brink, P. (1993) in Van den Brink, P. and De Meyere, J. (eds.) Het gedroomde land: Pastorale schilderkunst in de Gouden Eeuw [The Dreamland: Pastoral Painting in the Golden Age], exh. cat. Utrecht (Centraal Museum)/Frankfurt (Schirn Kunsthalle)/Luxemburg (Musée National d’Histoire et d’Art), pp. 155–59

    Von Moltke, J.W. (1965) Govaert Flinck, 1615–1660. Amsterdam

  • Abraham Janssens (c.1575–1632), Concord, Charity and Sincerity Conquering Discord: Civic Allegory in Post-Truce Antwerp, 1622

    Abraham Janssens ( 1575-1632), Concord, Charity and Sincerity Conquering Discord, 1622, Oil on panel, 155.5 x 115 cm, The Snijders & Rockox House, Antwerp, On loan from Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp

    Abraham Janssens ( 1575-1632), Concord, Charity and Sincerity Conquering Discord, 1622, Oil on panel, 155.5 x 115 cm, The Snijders & Rockox House, Antwerp, On loan from Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
    Abraham Janssens ( 1575-1632), Concord, Charity and Sincerity Conquering Discord, 1622, Oil on panel, 155.5 x 115 cm, The Snijders & Rockox House, Antwerp, On loan from Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp

    On 9 April 1609 the representatives of Spain and the Dutch Republic signed the Twelve Years’ Truce in the States Chamber of the Antwerp town hall, and the chimney of that room had just been handed to Abraham Janssens (1575–1632). The city authorities had commissioned him the year before to paint Scaldis and Antverpia [the river Scheldt and the city of Antwerp] for the chimneybreast, a large allegory of the river and the port that lived off it, and they paid him 750 guilders for the work (KMSKA, n.d.). The hope behind the commission was not hard to read, since Antwerp’s wealth had always come up the Scheldt and the Dutch blockade of the river had been throttling the port for a generation, so that the truce, by loosening that grip, seemed to promise a recovery. Janssens became, for a moment, the painter of Antwerp’s peace, and the allegory he supplied still took it for granted that the peace might hold.

    He had come to that commission as the leading history painter in Flanders. Trained in the city and then resident in Rome around the turn of the century, where he took on the hard light and the heavy, sculptural bodies of the manner of Caravaggio (1571–1610), he returned to become a master of the guild and, by 1607, its dean (Vlieghe, 1998). The position did not survive the decade whole, because Rubens (1577–1640) came back from Italy in 1608 and quickly drew off the altarpieces and the foreign commissions that had once been within Janssens’s reach, leaving him to work more and more for local and provincial patrons (Vlieghe, 1998). Civic allegory was one field where he kept his footing. Alongside the Scaldis he painted a Peace and Plenty for the same town hall in 1614, now in Wolverhampton, and an allegory of Concord aided by Love and Sincerity and triumphing over Envy hung as a chimney-piece in the hall of the Oude Voetboog, one of Antwerp’s crossbow militia guilds, set directly opposite Rubens’s Crowning of the Virtuous Hero (Gritsay and Babina, 2008).

    The Antwerp panel of 1622 returns to that subject in a colder season. The truce had run out in 1621 and the war with the Republic had resumed, so that whatever ground the previous decade had recovered was again in doubt, and a picture of Concord overcoming Discord now carried a wish rather than a report. Janssens dated it on the shaft of an arrow at the centre of the group, 1622 (KMSKA, n.d.). Who ordered it, and for which room, the record does not say, since the museum’s file names no patron, so whether it hung in a guild chamber like the Oude Voetboog picture or in a private house is a question that stays open. What can be said is the company it keeps, a run of Antwerp allegories in which the city’s virtues are drawn up against the forces that might undo it.

    The painting argues through attributes that anyone in the city could read. Concord, an olive sprig in her hair, steadies a cornucopia and holds out a bundle of arrows; Charity, in red, ties the bundle with a red ribbon while a child at her side lifts a flaming heart; Sincerity, in white with roses in her fair hair, fastens it with a white ribbon; and behind the three of them Discord skulks, aged and grimacing, her power spent. Most of the meaning gathers in that bound sheaf of arrows. Arrows tied together had meant concord since antiquity, on the principle that Sallust (c. 86–35 BC) fixed in a phrase the Renaissance never tired of repeating, concordia res parvae crescunt [through concord small things grow] (Sallust, Jugurtha 10.6). By 1622, though, the same sheaf was also the badge of the enemy, since the Union of Utrecht had made a bundle of arrows the emblem of the rebel provinces and the Republic struck it on its coinage. An Antwerp painter who set his city’s virtues to binding the arrows, in the very year the war against those provinces reopened, was handling a symbol the other side had claimed, and the gesture reads as a contest over who owned the vocabulary of concord.

    Set against Rubens, the difference in scale is really a difference in world. Janssens keeps the figures close to the surface and strongly lit, the allegory legible at a glance, the debt to Caravaggio still plain in the modelling even where the diagonal drive of the group owes something to Rubens’s example (Vlieghe, 1998). Where Rubens in these same years was assembling vast dynastic cycles for foreign courts, most famously the gallery he painted for Marie de’ Medici (1575–1642) in Paris, Janssens worked to the measure of a single city and its fears, producing virtues that a guild or a magistrate could hang on a wall and follow without a commentary.

    References

    Gritsay, N. and Babina, N. (2008) Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Flemish Painting. St Petersburg, New Haven and London: State Hermitage / Yale University Press

    KMSKA – Royal Museum of Fine Arts Antwerp (n.d.) Concord, Charity and Sincerity Conquering Discord (inv. 5001) and Scaldis and Antverpia. Antwerp: KMSKA. Available at: https://kmska.be/en/masterpiece/concord-charity-and-sincerity-conquering-discord and https://kmska.be/en/masterpiece/scaldis-and-antverpia (Accessed: 29 May 2024).

    Sallust (2013) The War with Jugurtha. Translated by J. C. Rolfe, revised by J. T. Ramsey (Loeb Classical Library). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press

    Vlieghe, H. (1998) Flemish Art and Architecture 1585–1700. New Haven and London: Yale University Press

  • Frans Snijders (1579–1657), Commerce and Abundance on the Scheldt: The Antwerp Fish Market, c.1620s

     Frans Snijders (1579 –1657), Fishmarket in Antwerp, Oil on canvas, c.1620,  145 cm x 170 cm, Snijders & Rockoxhuis Museum, Antwerp

    Frans Snijders (1579 –1657), Fishmarket in Antwerp, Oil on canvas, c.1620,  145 cm x 170 cm, Snijders & Rockoxhuis Museum, Antwerp
    Frans Snijders (1579 –1657), Fishmarket in Antwerp, Oil on canvas, c.1620,  145 cm x 170 cm, Snijders & Rockoxhuis Museum, Antwerp

    The indoor and outdoor fish markets of early seventeenth-century Antwerp were held at Het Steen, the medieval fortress on the Scheldt. Stalls along the quay sold freshwater fish pulled from the river, while sea fish arrived overland from the coast and was laid out on wooden tables nearby. On fast days and throughout Lent, when the consumption of meat was forbidden by the Church, demand for fish rose sharply, and the markets at Het Steen became some of the busiest commercial sites in the city. It is this scene, rooted in a very particular place and shaped by the rhythms of religious observance, that Frans Snijders painted around 1620.

    The painting resists easy genre classification, and that resistance is itself revealing. It is not a pure still life, since figures occupy the scene and the setting is an identifiable urban location rather than a neutral tabletop or pantry shelf. Nor is it straightforwardly a genre painting in the sense of an everyday social scene, since the massed display of fish and the close attention to their species, textures, and surfaces are unmistakably the work of a still-life specialist. Elizabeth Honig, in her study of painting and the Antwerp market, has argued that Snijders was the central figure in a broader transformation: the market scene, as practised by Pieter Aertsen (c.1508–1575) and Joachim Beuckelaer (c.1533–c.1574), had been organised around exchange, transaction, and the social energies of buying and selling (Honig, 1998). In Snijders’s hands, the genre shifted towards display and possession. Goods are no longer being negotiated over; they are presented, with a stillness and an opulence that push the composition towards what scholars have called the pronkstilleven, the sumptuous still life that Snijders and his contemporary Adriaen van Utrecht are credited with originating in Antwerp (Koslow, 1995). This painting sits at the hinge between the two: a market scene whose pictorial logic is already that of a still life.

    The complexity of the format was not incidental. It reflected the competitive and highly specialised art market in Antwerp, where painters routinely collaborated across disciplines to produce works of a density and variety that no single artist could easily match. The practice of collaborative painting was, as Honig and others have emphasised, distinctively Antwerp; it differed both from the interstudio rivalry of Italian workshop culture and from the single-master niche production that prevailed in Holland (Honig, 1998; Woollett and Van Suchtelen, 2006). Snijders’s market scenes were collaborative productions almost by definition. He supplied the fish, game, and still-life passages; the human figures were typically painted by Cornelis de Vos (1584–1651), his brother-in-law (Snijders had married Margriete de Vos in 1611), and on at least one occasion by Antoon van Dyck (1599–1641). The arrangement was reciprocal: Rubens, Jordaens, and Abraham Janssens all called on Snijders to contribute animals and still-life elements to their own compositions (Snijders & Rockoxhuis, 2020). A painting by two or more named masters was not a compromise or a shortcut. It was a selling point, a demonstration that the collector could commission work from an entire network of leading artists, each operating at the top of his specialism. For an artist of Snijders’s standing, a fish market populated only by fish and figures, without the layering of topographical detail, proverbial allusion, and collaborative virtuosity, would not have met the expectations of his audience.

    The painting displays an impressive array of freshwater and saltwater fish, rendered with close attention to colour, texture, and anatomical detail. The museum’s guide notes that sea fish, dominated by cod and sturgeon, occupy the right-hand table, while wooden and copper tubs on the left hold fish from the Scheldt, including carp (Snijders & Rockoxhuis, 2020). Snijders painted fish with a distinctively loose, wet-looking brushstroke, a technique calculated to suggest the sheen and freshness of the catch. An old man bends over one of the containers, his figure grounding the composition in the physical labour of the market. In the centre hangs an empty balance, its pans level and unweighted. In the background, Het Steen and the tower of the Cathedral of Our Lady are clearly visible, and beyond them a stretch of shore where further cargo appears to be arriving by boat, extending the painting’s spatial narrative from the immediate market stall outward to the river and the wider trade network on which it depended. Het Steen was the actual site of the fish markets, so the background anchors the foreground in a specific, identifiable location, and the incoming boats reinforce the subject’s dependence on the Scheldt and on Antwerp’s continued, if diminished, access to waterborne commerce.

    Beneath the table, a cat furtively steals a fish, adding a moment of sly comedy that does more work than it first appears. The painting’s allusive details would not have been lost on contemporary viewers. In the visual and literary culture of the Low Countries, cats were firmly associated with theft, cunning, and unruly appetite. The convention of the cat disrupting a still life or market display was grounded in Flemish animal painting and persisted well into the eighteenth century. Clara Peeters (1594–1657), Snijders’s Antwerp contemporary, repeatedly included cats stealing food from her tabletop compositions, and her fish-and-cat arrangements have been read as playing on the symbolic opposition between the fish as an ancient Christian symbol and the cat as a figure of temptation. The motif also drew on the Netherlandish proverbial culture that Pieter Bruegel the Elder had visualised so memorably in his Netherlandish Proverbs (1559), a work Snijders would certainly have known through the numerous copies produced by his own teacher, Pieter Brueghel the Younger. Several Dutch and Flemish proverbs featured cats and fish directly: de kat bij de vis zetten (to set the cat by the fish) warned against putting a thief in charge of what he covets, while als de kat van huis is, dansen de muizen op tafel (when the cat is away, the mice dance on the table) played on the idea of unguarded plenty inviting opportunism. In a market scene, the thieving cat could function on several levels at once: as a comic naturalistic incident, as a moralising emblem of appetite unchecked, and as a proverbial allusion to the folly of leaving goods unattended. What can be said is that contemporary viewers, steeped in a culture of proverbs, emblem books, and the Bruegel tradition, would have registered the motif as something more than incidental observation.

    The empty balance hanging at the centre of the composition operates in a similar way. As a practical instrument of the fish trade, it is entirely at home in the market setting and would need no further explanation. But the weighing scale also carried a dense iconographic history. Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia (first published 1593), the standard handbook of personified concepts, lists the balance as an attribute of Justice, Equity, and Righteousness. Vermeer would later paint an empty balance in his Woman Holding a Balance (c.1662–1663, National Gallery of Art, Washington), a composition in which, as Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. has argued, the level, unweighted pans convey temperance and the idea of balanced judgement rather than material transaction. Snijders was not Vermeer, and the fish market is not a domestic interior; there is no reason to assume so deliberate an allegorical programme here. But the convention of the suspended, empty balance was available to Antwerp painters and their audiences, and its placement at the centre of the composition, between abundance below and civic landmarks above, invites a reading that goes beyond the purely descriptive. Is this a statement about fair dealing? A reminder of judgement set against material plenty? Or simply a scale that has not yet been used?

    The subject had deep roots in Antwerp painting. Pieter Aertsen had pioneered monumental market and kitchen scenes in the mid-sixteenth century, placing food and commerce in the foreground while relegating biblical episodes to the background. His nephew and pupil Beuckelaer developed the format further, painting fish markets that doubled as moral allegories, often including small background scenes of Christ in the House of Martha and Mary or the Miraculous Draught of Fishes (Moxey, 1976). Snijders inherited this tradition but stripped away the overt religious insets that had characterised the earlier works, enlarging the scale, intensifying the naturalism, and replacing the biblical background with civic landmarks and the arriving boats that extend the scene towards the river. The moral dimension did not disappear; it migrated into the incidental details, the cat, the empty scale, the proverbial associations that an Antwerp audience would have carried with them as instinctively as they knew the proverbs themselves.

    Antwerp’s prosperity had long depended on the Scheldt, and the choice of the fish market as a subject carried civic weight. After the Fall of Antwerp in 1585, Dutch forces progressively established control over the river’s estuary, restricting access to the port. The Twelve Years’ Truce (1609–1621) brought a general improvement in conditions: hostilities ceased, overland trade resumed, and artistic commissions flourished. The Scheldt blockade itself, however, was not lifted. The States of Zeeland insisted on maintaining it throughout the Truce, and the Dutch Republic’s refusal to reopen the river was among the conditions that caused negotiations for renewal to collapse in 1621 (Israel, 1995). Scenes of abundant fish and busy commerce, painted during or shortly after the Truce, also carried a particular charge in this context. The background of this painting makes the point visually: boats arriving at the shore, cargo being brought in, the city’s landmarks presiding over the whole scene. The fish are not simply there; they have come from somewhere, and the infrastructure of their arrival is on display. The museum’s guide notes that Snijders’s still lifes and market scenes were understood as supporting Antwerp’s reviving economic prosperity during the Truce (Snijders & Rockoxhuis, 2020), and the inclusion of Het Steen, the Cathedral tower, and the working shore was not merely civic decoration but a pointed assertion of the city’s identity as a river port and trading centre, however beleaguered.


    References

    Baatsen, I., Blondé, B. and De Groot, J. (2014) ‘The Kitchen between Representation and Everyday Experience: The Case of Sixteenth-Century Antwerp’, in Göttler, C., Ramakers, B. and Woodall, J. (eds.) Trading Values in Early Modern Antwerp. Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek / Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art, 64. Leiden: Brill, pp. 162–184.Available at: https://www.academia.edu/12064497/The_kitchen_between_representation_and_everyday_experience_the_case_of_sixteenth_century_Antwerp_Published_in_NKJ_2014  (Accessed 29 April 2024)

    Honig, E.A. (1998) Painting and the Market in Early Modern Antwerp. New Haven: Yale University Press.

    Honig, E.A. (1995) ‘The Beholder as a Work of Art: A Study in the Location of Value in Seventeenth-Century Flemish Painting’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 46, pp. 252–297.Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/i40159427 (Accessed 29 April 2024)

    Israel, J.I. (1995) The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Koslow, S. (1995) Frans Snyders: The Noble Estate. Seventeenth-Century Still-Life and Animal Painting in the Southern Netherlands. Antwerp: Fonds Mercator. Revised edition, Brussels: Fonds Mercator, 2006.

    Moxey, K.P.F. (1977) Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beuckelaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation. New York: Garland

    Snijders & Rockoxhuis (2020) Visitors Guide. Antwerp: KBC Group

    Woollett, A.T. and Van Suchtelen, A. (2006) Rubens and Brueghel: A Working Friendship. Exhibition catalogue. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum; The Hague: Royal Picture Gallery Mauritshuis

    Balis, A. et al. (eds.) (2021) Many Antwerp Hands: Collaborations in Netherlandish Art, 1400–1750. Turnhout: Brepols

  • The Master of the Saints, ‘Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520.



    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp

    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp
    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp
    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp
    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp
    The Master of the Saints (currently unidentified South Netherlandish  follower of Hieronymus Bosch, active in the first quarter of the 16th century), Triptych with  St Christopher, St Anthony and St Jerome,’ ca 1510-1520,  Oil on oak, 50.1 x 15.7 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp
  • Michaelina Wautier (1604- 1689), Two Girls as Saint Agnes and Saint Dorothy, c. 1650


    Michaelina Wautier (1604- 1689), Two Girls as Saint Agnes and Saint Dorothy, c. 1650, Oil on canvas, 89,7 × 122 cm. KMSKA, Antwerp

    Michaelina Wautier (1604- 1689), Two Girls as Saint Agnes and Saint Dorothy, c. 1650, Oil on canvas, 89,7 × 122 cm. KMSKA, Antwerp

  • Jacques Jordaens (1593–1678), Atalanta’s uncles try to rob her of the boar’s head she received from Melager (Ovid, Metamorphoses 7:260-444), c. 1617-1618

    Jacques Jordaens (1593–1678), Atalanta’s uncles try to rob her of the boar’s head she received from Melager (Ovid, Metamorphoses 7:260-444), c. 1617-1618, Oil on canvas, 152.0 x 120.0 cm, The Snijders & Rockox House, Antwerp, On loan from Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

    Jacques Jordaens (1593–1678), Atalanta’s uncles try to rob her of the boar’s head she received from Melager (Ovid, Metamorphoses 7:260-444), c. 1617-1618, Oil on canvas, 152.0 x 120.0 cm, The Snijders & Rockox House, Antwerp, On loan from Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

    His early work reflects Jordaens’ engagement with Caravaggio’s influence, particularly evident in the strong contrasts of light and shadow, which heighten the emotional intensity of the scene. In this version, the figures are depicted with a naturalism that anchors them in everyday life. Unlike Rubens’ more idealised figures, Jordaens’ women resemble local peasant women, emphasising their earthiness and human frailty rather than portraying them as divine or muse-like figures.

    The story of the Calydonian Boar Hunt, from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, tells how the goddess Artemis sends a monstrous boar to ravage Calydon as punishment for the king’s failure to honour her in his rituals. Meleager, the king’s son, leads a group of hunters, including the courageous Atalanta, to kill the boar. Atalanta is the first to wound it, and Meleager delivers the final blow. As a reward, Meleager gives Atalanta the boar’s head, but his uncles, angered that a woman has received the prize, attempt to take it from her. Furious, Meleager kills his uncles, triggering a tragic series of events that leads to his death, fulfilling an ancient prophecy.

    The allegory explores themes of honour, gender roles, and the destructive nature of envy. This myth resonated with Baroque artists for its focus on emotional tension and moral conflict. The dramatic emotions of rage, jealousy, and vengeance suited the Baroque era’s fascination with dynamic movement and intense, expressive storytelling, making it a popular subject in the period’s art.

    While later versions of this theme by Jordaens adopt a more Rubensian style—smoother, more dynamic, and opulent—this early version reflects a period when Caravaggism still held sway. However, it was beginning to fall out of fashion in Antwerp.

  • Gérard de Lairesse ( 1641-1711), Venus hands over the armour made by Vulcan to Aeneas (Virgil’s Aeneid VIII, 608 ff.), 1668

    Gérard de Lairesse ( 1641-1711), Venus hands over the armour made by Vulcan to Aeneas (Virgil’s Aeneid VIII, 608 ff.), 1668, Oil on canvas, 161.8 x 165.8 cm, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp

    Gérard de Lairesse ( 1641-1711), Venus hands over the armour made by Vulcan to Aeneas (Virgil’s Aeneid VIII, 608 ff.), 1668, Oil on canvas, 161.8 x 165.8 cm, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp

    In Virgil’s epic, Aeneas, a Trojan hero destined to found the Roman civilisation, faces perilous battles and challenges as he leads his people towards Italy. To aid him, Venus commissions Vulcan, her husband and the god of fire and metalworking, to forge powerful armour, ensuring her son’s survival and success. This scene closely illustrates the dramas of Virgil’s Aeneid, Book VIII, from line 608 onwards.

    At the centre, Venus, idealised as a youthful beauty draped in flowing classical robes, extends her arm in a graceful gesture as she delivers the newly forged armour to the hero. Aeneas, presented as a robust and idealised military leader, receives the armour in a formal exchange rather than a battlefield scene, signalling Lairesse’s preference for staged, elevated narratives over turbulent action. Around them, winged putti present individual pieces — helmet, breastplate, and shield — each an emblem of heavenly favour and heroic destiny. In the left background, Vulcan appears partially nude beside his forge, his tools and muscular form signalling his role as divine craftsman without distracting from the ceremonial exchange between mother and son.

    Gérard de Lairesse was among the most prominent painters active in the Northern Netherlands during the second half of the seventeenth century, his career marking both the late flowering and the gradual transformation of Baroque art in the Dutch Republic. Born in Liège and trained in the Southern Netherlandish tradition, he moved to Amsterdam in 1667, where his refined classicising style appealed to patrician patrons seeking a more restrained alternative to the dynamic, often turbulent energy of earlier Baroque masters. This painting belongs to his early Amsterdam period, when his work still retained the monumental theatricality of his Southern Netherlandish roots, yet was already adopting the compositional order and idealised beauty that would later dominate his mature style. Lairesse’s work here balances the emotive power of the high Baroque with an emerging neoclassical order, signalling both the persistence and the transformation of the style in its later phase.

    The subject also belongs to a broader current in Lairesse’s oeuvre: large-scale mythological cycles commissioned for the decoration of elite townhouses. These works often drew on episodes from classical epic, reimagined as moral exempla for a cultivated audience. In this context, Venus hands over the armour made by Vulcan to Aeneas would have complemented other scenes of heroic virtue, divine protection, and the trials of noble characters, arranged to create a coherent moral and visual programme within a patron’s interior. Such commissions allowed Lairesse to apply the compositional discipline and narrative clarity for which he was renowned, qualities that contributed to his later theoretical writings on painting, which became influential in eighteenth-century academic circles.

  • Attributed to Adriaen Thomasz. Key (c.1544-after 1589), ‘Portrait of Johan de Mauregnault (1540-1587)’, Second half of 16th century.


    Attributed to Adriaen Thomasz. Key (c.1544-after 1589), Portrait of Johan de Mauregnault (1540-1587), Second half of 16th century, Oil on panel, 104.5 x 73.8 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp

    Attributed to Adriaen Thomasz. Key (c.1544-after 1589), Portrait of Johan de Mauregnault (1540-1587), Second half of 16th century, Oil on panel, 104.5 x 73.8 cm, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp

    The Portrait of Johan de Mauregnault (1540–1587) reflects the mature style of Adriaen Thomasz. Key (c.1544–after 1589), whether by the artist or his workshop. Key was a leading portraitist in the Southern Netherlands, serving Antwerp’s magistracy and other elite patrons in Mechelen and Brussels. Combining the meticulous surface realism of the Early Netherlandish tradition with the formal elegance favoured by Habsburg court circles, he helped fix the sober three-quarter-length format that dominated official portraiture into the seventeenth century.

    Here, the Antwerp magistrate appears in ceremonial military attire, the polished metal, rich fabrics, and fine lace rendered with characteristic precision. The measured pose, composed hands, and steady gaze project dignity and authority, while the plain background focuses attention on the sitter. Such works defined the civic portrait idiom of the late Renaissance in the Southern Netherlands and shaped its evolution in the early seventeenth century.

  • Juan de Flandes  (c.1450–c.1519),The Banquet of Herod, 1496

    Juan de Flandes  (c.1450–c.1519), The Banquet of Herod, 1496, Oil on wood, 75 x 50,4 cm, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp

    Juan de Flandes  (c.1450–c.1519), The Banquet of Herod, 1496, Oil on wood, 75 x 50,4 cm, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp

    Juan de Flandes was one of the key foreign artists employed by the Spanish monarchy in the late fifteenth century, significantly contributing to the development of the Hispano-Flemish style. Although he is often claimed to have been a pupil of Hugo van der Goes, this assertion is questioned due to Flandes’ distinct background as a manuscript illuminator, which is evident in his meticulous detailing and spatial depth. The Flemish schools of the late fifteenth century focused on precision and realism, whereas Castilian schools favoured bold colours and devotional intensity. Juan de Flandes skilfully blended these elements to meet the tastes of his Spanish patrons. His work also shows stylistic similarities to the Flemish-Estonian artist Michiel Sittow, with whom he collaborated on royal commissions in Spain, often making it difficult to distinguish between their contributions [1].

    A crucial example of Flandes’ hybrid style is found in fragments of the Miraflores Altarpiece, a significant commission originally consisting of multiple panels. The Miraflores Altarpiece, created between 1496 and 1499, was commissioned by Queen Isabella of Castile for the Carthusian monastery of Miraflores near Burgos as part of a broader effort to memorialise her father, King Juan II. This altarpiece, dedicated to the life of John the Baptist, was dismantled in the seventeenth century, with its components dispersed across Europe in the nineteenth century.

    Surviving fragments of the Miraflores Altarpiece have been identified in prestigious collections around the world, including The Banquet of Herod (Mayer van den Bergh Museum), The Birth of John the Baptist (Cleveland Museum of Art), The Beheading of John the Baptist (Musée d’Art et Histoire, Geneva), and The Baptism of Christ (private collection, Madrid). The recovery of the final panel, The Preaching of John the Baptist, from the National Museum in Belgrade in 2003 marked a major milestone in the reconstruction of this long-lost masterpiece.


  • Gothic roof bosses in Norwich Cathedral

    Norwich Cathedral possesses one of the largest surviving ensembles of Gothic roof bosses in Europe, an exceptional corpus of medieval sculpture both in scale and in preservation. Dating largely from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the bosses number over one thousand and display a striking breadth of subject matter. Biblical narratives, Christological cycles, saints’ lives and allegorical themes are set alongside images drawn from bestiaries, folklore and scenes of everyday life, creating a visual register that combines sacred instruction with secular wit. Their survival is particularly remarkable in light of the waves of destruction that swept through English churches: the Reformation of the sixteenth century and the mid-seventeenth-century Puritan iconoclasm claimed countless examples of medieval imagery, yet the bosses of Norwich endured with comparatively little loss. Collectively they form not merely an ornamental ceiling scheme but a unique visual archive of late medieval thought, devotional practice and imaginative culture, offering scholars an invaluable witness to the interplay of sacred and secular traditions in the later Middle Ages.