Peeter Boel (1622 – 1674), Allegory of life, c.1650-1655, Oil on canvas, 135x 172cm, Palazzo Spinola, Genoa
Peeter Boel (1622 – 1674), Allegory of life, c.1650-1655, Oil on canvas, 135x 172cm, Palazzo Spinola, Genoa
Recently attributed to Boel by Italian scholars, Allegory of Life, also known as Servant with a Peacock and Young Kitchen Maid with Grapes and Dead Game, has been traced back to the artist’s time in Genoa. This work reflects Boel’s Flemish roots while adapting to Italian tastes in allegorical and genre painting, capturing Genoa’s cosmopolitan spirit and diverse artistic influences.
Pieter Boel revolutionised animal painting by working directly with live animals in natural settings, allowing him to depict them in their characteristic, lifelike poses. Set within a bustling kitchen scene, the composition is replete with symbols of life’s fleeting pleasures—luxurious displays of costly food. Boel’s skill as an animal painter, honed during his time in Rome, is apparent in the realistic animals woven throughout, underscoring themes of earthly transience and temptation.
The presence of diverse servants, including a cook and a Moorish page, highlights the multicultural fabric of Genoese society. Shaped by extensive trade networks linking North Africa, the Middle East, and beyond, Genoa brought people from varied regions into proximity with its wealthy patrons. These figures add depth to the scene, subtly emphasising Genoa’s elite’s opulent lifestyle and global connections.
More than a simple still life, Boel’s painting serves as a memento mori, encouraging viewers to consider the impermanence of wealth and luxury. By integrating a still-life composition within a genre scene, Boel underscores life’s brevity. This blend of allegory and genre aligns with the seventeenth-century appetite for art that celebrated personal wealth and invited moral reflection, making Allegory of Life a meditation on the transient nature of earthly pleasures.
Peeter Boel (1622 – 1674), Allegory of life, c.1650-1655, Oil on canvas, 135x 172cm, Palazzo Spinola, Genoa
Joos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi Raggio (The Raggio Triptych), c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato Church, Genoa
Joos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi Raggio (The Raggio’s Triptych), c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato Church, Genoa
The commission of this triptych by Stefano Raggio (1496–1571) reflects the deep commercial and artistic links that bound Genoa to Antwerp during the early sixteenth century. As a Genoese nobleman active in Mediterranean and Atlantic trade, Raggio moved in circles that naturally brought him into contact with Flemish artists and merchants. These connections enabled him to secure a work of contemporary northern style for his family chapel in San Donato. In an age when the political and economic lifeblood of cities flowed through such international networks, the commission itself embodied the cosmopolitan identity of Genoa’s patriciate. The survival of the triptych in the same church for five centuries is exceptional, for in Northern Europe most comparable works vanished from their original settings during the iconoclastic waves that followed the Reformation.
As donor, Stefano Raggio established a direct relationship with the Netherlandish painter Joos van Cleve (c.1485–1540/41), whose refined synthesis of northern detail and Italianate harmony made him one of the most sought-after artists of his generation. This connection is confirmed not only by the triptych but also by the survival of Raggio’s individual portrait by Joos van Cleve, today preserved in the Palazzo Spinola in Genoa. The pairing of the portrait with the triptych is significant: while the altarpiece situates Raggio within a sacred narrative for devotional and dynastic purposes, the portrait preserves his worldly likeness, attired in the fashion of a wealthy Genoese patrician. Together, they testify to the close bond between patron and painter and to the enduring cultural ties between Genoa and Antwerp.
To a sixteenth-century European audience, the appeal of such a work lay not only in its religious content but in the astonishing density of its pictorial language. Rich in symbols, the triptych brings together traditional biblical narratives with theological undercurrents from the eve of the Reformation, offering a field of visual meditation that could not be exhausted in a single viewing. Each minute object, fold of fabric, gesture, and background vignette held potential meaning, and the very act of looking became a devotional exercise. In a period when printed images could be multiplied cheaply, paintings of this calibre resisted all notions of mass production: the hundreds of small, precisely rendered details demanded months of labour, and the result was a unique visual world that rewarded prolonged and repeated contemplation. This level of complexity was one reason Europe remained so enthralled by Flemish and Flemish-influenced religious art — it satisfied the taste for intellectual engagement as well as spiritual edification, allowing patrons and viewers to discover fresh significance over time.
On one wing, Mary Magdalene embodies redemption and discovery, her iconographic link to Christ’s tomb rendered with both theological weight and personal resonance. For Raggio, her presence also carried political significance, reflecting his loyalty to the Burgundian Habsburg cause. By aligning the painting with his faith and with the dynastic interests he supported, Raggio ensured that the work spoke simultaneously to his private devotion, his public identity, and the political allegiances of his class.
The central panel presents the Adoration of the Magi set beneath a ruin, the crumbling masonry symbolising the collapse of paganism before the advent of Christ. The three kings, identified by inscriptions on their gifts, are painted with the Flemish mastery of surface and light, their silks and brocades catching and reflecting the glow that suffuses the holy scene. This technical brilliance heightens the sacred message, for the rendering of material splendour was not mere ornament but a means of conveying divine radiance in the earthly realm. A likeness of Raggio appears within the composition, attired in costly fabrics that proclaim his wealth and status. Mary, veiled in quiet dignity, holds the Christ Child as he blesses the kneeling Magi. Joseph, leaning casually nearby, and the inclusion of his bag and rosary provide a disarming note of familiarity, reminding the viewer that the Holy Family, though central to salvation history, also lived in the world of ordinary human needs.
The background reveals a port city, almost certainly intended as Genoa, which links the scene to Raggio’s own maritime world. The visual suggestion is that divine grace is not confined to distant sacred landscapes but can be present amid the harbours, markets, and ships of contemporary life. For a viewer in sixteenth-century Europe — particularly in a thriving mercantile republic — this fusion of the biblical and the contemporary, the eternal and the immediate, would have been a compelling reminder that the sacred narrative unfolded in ways still relevant to their own time and place.
Joos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, GenoaJoos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540/1541), Triptych of the Adoration of the Magi, c. 1515, Oil on oak, central panel, 156 x 138 cm; side panels, 162 x 67 cm; central cymatium, 51 x 96 cm; left cymatium, 52 x 46 cm; right cymatium, 54 x 45 cm, San Donato church, Genoa
Antoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Christ of the Coin, 1625, Oil on canvas, cm. 142 x 119 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
Antoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Christ of the Coin, 1625, Oil on canvas, cm. 142 x 119 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
At only 26 and still absorbing the influence of the Renaissance, the young Van Dyck created this striking reinterpretation of Titian’s The Tribute Money while in Genoa. Though Van Dyck would not have seen Titian’s original housed in Madrid, he likely studied the composition through a print by Martino Rota (1520–1583) or copies and interpretations by Titian’s followers.
The scene portrays Jesus responding to the Pharisees’ question about paying taxes to Caesar, an attempt to trap him into making a political statement. Seeing their intent, Jesus asks for a coin bearing Caesar’s image and instructs them to ‘Render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s.’ This coin becomes a central symbol, representing earthly authority and the tension between secular and divine power. Van Dyck places it prominently in the composition, underscoring its role in the debate.
The upward-pointing gesture of Jesus, significant in both Titian’s and Van Dyck’s compositions, recalls Leonardo da Vinci’s ‘St. John the Baptist, where St. John points skyward to convey spiritual truths beyond earthly matters. This gesture symbolises the connection between the divine (above) and the earthly (below), reinforcing the idea of dual allegiance to God and civil authority. Scholars believe Titian borrowed this gesture from Leonardo, making it a powerful symbol of Renaissance spirituality that Van Dyck continues to convey.
Van Dyck’s portrayal highlights contrasts between the figures: Christ’s calm, insightful expression contrasts with the tense, inquisitive stances of the Pharisees, echoing Titian’s approach of juxtaposing serenity and agitation. One Pharisee points to the coin in his other hand, while another, wearing spectacles, represents a sceptical observer.
The coin, central to the painting, reinforces the theme of taxation but, more profoundly, points to the core question of authority—what belongs to Caesar versus what belongs to God. The coin thus serves as a tangible link between the earthly realm and Christ’s spiritual directive.
Antoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Christ of the Coin, 1625, Oil on canvas, cm. 142 x 119 cm, Palazzo Rosso, GenoaAntoon Van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Christ of the Coin, 1625, Oil on canvas, cm. 142 x 119 cm, Palazzo Rosso, GenoaAntoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Christ of the Coin, 1625, Oil on canvas, cm. 142 x 119 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
References
Barnes, S.J., De Poorter, N., Millar, O. and Vey, H., 2004. Van Dyck: A Complete Catalogue of the Paintings. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.
Martin, J.R. and Feigenbaum, G. (1979) Van Dyck as a Religious Artist. Princeton, NJ: The Art Museum, Princeton University; Princeton University Press
Mattia Preti (1613 -1699), Disbelief of Saint Thomas, c.1630-40, Oil on canvas, 230×173 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
Mattia Preti (1613 -1699), Disbelief of Saint Thomas, c.1630-40, Oil on canvas, 23×173 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
When Mattia Preti left the small Calabrian town of Taverna and arrived in Rome around 1630, Caravaggio had been dead for twenty years. The painter he came to imitate so closely was already a ghost, known only through paintings, scandalous anecdotes and through the work of those who had tried to carry his manner forward. Preti’s early training is said to have been with Giovanni Battista Caracciolo (1578-1635), the Neapolitan Caravaggist, and that formation seems to have fixed a lasting attachment to tenebrism and close-range naturalism. In Rome, where Preti shared a studio with his elder brother Gregorio, he encountered the full range of Caravaggio’s afterlife: the tavern scenes and card games of Bartolomeo Manfredi, the brooding devotional works of Valentin de Boulogne, and the raw physicality of Jusepe de Ribera. He also absorbed the quite different lessons of Guercino, Guido Reni, and Giovanni Lanfranco, though in these early years it was the Caravaggesque current that shaped his output most decisively.
The term most often applied to this phase of Preti’s career is the Manfrediana methodus, a phrase coined by the German painter and biographer Joachim von Sandrart in 1675 to describe the particular manner in which Manfredi had translated Caravaggio’s innovations into a more widely reproducible idiom: half-length figures at life scale, sombre palettes, shallow pictorial spaces defined by chiaroscuro, and an emphasis on direct observation rather than idealisation . Manfredi’s own works were so close to Caravaggio’s that several were attributed to Caravaggio well into the twentieth century, and the same confusion attended Preti’s earliest religious compositions. But Preti differed from Manfredi in one important respect: where Manfredi’s figures tend to function as types, Preti gave his protagonists something closer to an interior life.
The Genoa canvas is one of at least five known treatments of the Incredulity of Saint Thomas that Preti produced across his career, a fact that raises questions about workshop practice, serial production, and the market for devotional imagery in mid-seventeenth-century Italy. The Compton Verney version, for instance, is dated to the 1670s, by which point Preti had long settled in Malta and his style had moved well beyond its early Caravaggesque phase. Was the subject simply a reliable seller? Did later patrons request copies of a composition Preti had first worked out decades earlier? These are questions the existing literature has not fully resolved. The Palazzo Rosso picture, with its tightly cropped three-quarter-length figures, stark directional lighting, and dark, featureless background, sits comfortably within the idiom of the 1630s. Christ’s raised arm exposes the stigmata wound while Thomas extends his hand towards the wound in Christ’s side, a gesture that follows the compositional logic established by Caravaggio’s own treatment of the subject (c. 1601–1602, Sanssouci Picture Gallery, Potsdam), painted originally for the Giustiniani collection.
What marks this as an early work, rather than a later reworking of the theme, is the degree to which Preti submits to convention. The palette is narrow, the background offers nothing, and the figures are locked into a relationship governed almost entirely by the fall of light. There is none of the Venetian colour or the dramatic spatial ambition that Preti would develop after his probable stay in Venice in the mid-1640s, and none of the monumental scale he brought to the apse frescoes of Sant’Andrea della Valle in 1650–1651. It is, in other words, a picture made by a young painter still working within the rules of a tradition he had inherited rather than tested. That he would later return to the same subject in quite different registers suggests that the Doubting Thomas held some particular significance for him, though whether devotional, intellectual, or simply commercial is difficult to say.
References
Leone, G. (ed.) (2015) Mattia Preti: un giovane nella Roma dopo Caravaggio. Exhibition catalogue. Rome: Galleria Corsini, 25 October 2015 – 18 January 2016.
Spike, J.T. and Spike, M.K. (1999) Mattia Preti: Catalogue Raisonné of the Paintings, Centro Di, Firenze
Mattia Preti (1613 -1699), Disbelief of Saint Thomas, c.1630-40, Oil on canvas, 23×173 cm, Palazzo Rosso, GenoaMattia Preti (1613 -1699), Disbelief of Saint Thomas, c.1630-40, Oil on canvas, 23×173 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
Antoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Equestrian portrait of Anton Giulio Brignole-Sale, 1627, Oil on canvas, 282 x 198 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
Antoon van Dyck (1599 – 1641), Equestrian portrait of Anton Giulio Brignole-Sale, 1627, Oil on canvas, 282 x 198 cm, Palazzo Rosso, Genoa
The portrait is generally thought to date from Van Dyck’s final year in Genoa and was commissioned by Giovanni Francesco I Brignole-Sale, head of one of the city’s most eminent families. His son, Anton Giulio Brignole-Sale, then twenty-two, appears in a pose more usually reserved for royalty, seated on horseback as a potent emblem of nobility and command. Such imagery carried strong resonance in early seventeenth-century Genoa, evoking the ideal of the ‘defender of the Christian faith’ and, in its more allusive register, recalling figures such as St George and the Crusaders. It is both a declaration of the sitter’s aristocratic standing and an assertion of the family’s ambition for recognition among the Genoese elite.
Van Dyck’s own family background in the textile trade may have eased his move to Genoa, a city where many Flemish merchants had long been established. This shared commercial heritage created a natural point of connection with patrons whose fortunes, like those of the Brignole-Sale, were rooted in the same industry.
The work shows Van Dyck at the height of the style he had formed in Italy, shaped by close study of Renaissance masters including Titian and Tintoretto. His mentor Rubens also admired the Venetian tradition, yet interpreted it differently. Rubens favoured bolder colour contrasts and dynamic compositions, while Van Dyck cultivated a restrained palette and a more measured orchestration of form. In this portrait, the silvery greys, mellow browns and muted earth tones, achieved through pigments such as lead white, bone black and umber, convey an air of composed elegance and quiet authority.
The subdued landscape setting, probably created with raw sienna and terre verte, serves to heighten the sitter’s calm yet commanding presence, allowing him to dominate the composition with an ease that appears entirely unforced. As Van Dyck’s last major work in Genoa, the painting stands at a point of transition in his career, marking his turn towards a more personal and intimate mode of portraiture that blends the grandeur of the Baroque with the inward refinement and psychological presence of Renaissance art.
References
Barnes, S.J., De Poorter, N., Millar, O. and Vey, H.(2004) Van Dyck: A Complete Catalogue of the Paintings. New Haven and London: Yale University
The Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano is among the most ambitious architectural undertakings of Renaissance Genoa, a statement of both piety and civic prestige commissioned by the powerful Sauli family. Construction began in 1549 to the design of Galeazzo Alessi (1512–1572), one of the leading architects of the Italian Renaissance, whose work was shaped by the principles of symmetry, proportion, and harmonious geometry. Alessi’s plan adopted a Greek-cross layout crowned by a vast central dome, echoing Donato Bramante’s early design for St Peter’s Basilica in Rome and signalling a conscious alignment with the most advanced architectural thinking of the period. The site chosen for the basilica, on the Carignano hill, allowed the dome to dominate Genoa’s skyline, making the church a focal point visible from land and sea.
Work advanced slowly. Alessi’s death in 1572 left the project without its original guiding hand, and completion stretched across sixty years. Giovanni Ponzello assumed a central role in carrying Alessi’s vision forward, making necessary adjustments while preserving the building’s fundamental design. By 1612 the main structure was complete, though embellishment continued for decades. In the nineteenth century the neoclassical architect Carlo Barabino (1768–1835) designed the monumental staircase that now approaches the façade, enhancing the building’s elevated position.
The interior is striking for its deliberate restraint. White walls, largely unadorned by frescoes, emphasise the clarity of the architecture and the measured rhythm of its spaces. This austerity heightens the impact of the artworks it contains, creating a dialogue between Renaissance purity and the exuberance of later Baroque additions.
Within the Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano, a remarkable collection of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sculpture and painting reflects the range and quality of artists who worked on the building over two centuries. Among the sculptors, Pierre Puget (Marseille, 1620–1694) produced the marble Saint Sebastian (1668) and Saint Alexander Sauli (1668), works whose dynamic composition and intense physical presence embody the theatrical force of the French Baroque. Filippo Parodi (Genoa, 1630–1702), the leading Genoese sculptor of his generation, carved the marble Saint John the Baptist (1667), while Claude David (c. 1678–c. 1721) created the marble Saint Bartholomew (1695), notable for its poised naturalism. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi (1656–1740) designed the high altar (1695–1700) in marmo broccatello with bronze ornament, combining sumptuous materials with refined execution. Diego Carlone (1674–1750), working from models by Francesco Maria Schiaffino (1689–1765), executed eight statues of the Apostles and four statues of the Doctors of the Church (c. 1740) in stucco, set into the side-aisle niches where their expressive modelling enhances the architectural setting.
The basilica’s paintings form a survey of Italian art from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth century. Giovanni Francesco Barbieri, known as Il Guercino (1591 – 1666), is represented by Saint Francis of Assisi Receiving the Stigmata (c. 1640–1650). Giulio Cesare Procaccini (1574 – 1625) painted The Madonna with Saints Charles Borromeo and Francis of Assisi ( c. 1620), an elegant blend of Lombard softness and Roman monumentality. Luca Cambiaso (1527 –1585) is present with his Pietà (1571), a work of contained emotion and formal balance. Domenico Fiasella ( 1589–1669) painted Blessed Alexander Sauli Halting a Plague (c. 1630), commemorating the saint’s miraculous intervention. Francesco Vanni (1563–1610) produced The Magdalene Receiving the Viaticum from Saint Maximin, combining beatiful colourism with Genoese narrative clarity. Paolo Gerolamo Piola (1666–1724) contributed The Virgin with Saints Dominic, Ignatius of Loyola, and Rose of Lima, a luminous composition rich in theological symbolism. Carlo Maratta (1625 – 1713) painted The Martyrdom of Saint Blaise ( c. 1680), exemplifying Roman High Baroque classicism. Domenico Piola (1627–1703) is represented by Saint Peter Healing a Lame Man (1694–1696), whose vibrant composition and fluid handling typify the height of Genoese Baroque painting.
Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa. Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano (Basilica of Saint Mary of the Assumption in Carignano), Genoa.
References
Whitfield, P. (2020) Historic Churches of Genoa: A Brief Guide. Genoa: Peter Whitfield
Peter Paul Rubens (1577 – 1640), Venus and Mars, Oil on panel, 133 x 142 cm, Palazzo Bianco, Genoa
Peter Paul Rubens (1577 – 1640), Venus and Mars, Oil on panel, 133 x 142 cm, Palazzo Bianco, GenoaPeter Paul Rubens (1577 – 1640), Venus and Mars, Oil on panel, 133 x 142 cm, Palazzo Bianco, GenoaPeter Paul Rubens (1577 – 1640), Venus and Mars, Oil on panel, 133 x 142 cm, Palazzo Bianco, Genoa
Rubens was born in Siegen, Westphalia, in 1577, which is not where anyone expected the greatest Flemish painter of the seventeenth century to come from. His father, Jan Rubens (1530–1587), was an Antwerp lawyer who had fled the city in 1568 with his family when the Duke of Alba’s campaign against Protestants in the Spanish Netherlands made staying dangerous. Jan had converted to Calvinism in Antwerp, where a large part of the city’s bourgeoisie and professional class had aligned with the Reformation in the years before Alba’s crackdown, and this made him a marked man. He settled in Cologne with his wife Maria Pypelincks (1538–1608) and their children [the religious position of Maria is more complex than the standard account allows: she appears to have remained privately Catholic throughout the Cologne years, concealing her faith during her husband’s lifetime — the Catholic Encyclopedia records that she ‘had continued a Catholic, although she temporarily concealed the fact during her aggressive husband’s life’ and that she ‘formally received back into the Catholic Church immediately upon the death of the elder Rubens’ ; it was she who insisted on Peter Paul’s education at a Jesuit school even in Cologne, and the family’s return to Catholicism after 1587 was thus less a conversion than a public return to a faith that had never entirely been abandoned].
In Cologne, Jan found work as a lawyer among the city’s large refugee community. In 1570 he became legal adviser to Anna of Saxony (1544–1577), the troubled second wife of William the Silent (1533–1584), and subsequently her lover. When the affair produced a pregnancy in 1571, Jan was arrested and imprisoned in Dillenburg Castle, facing possible execution. Maria, who had known nothing, wrote so persistently to his captors that she secured his release after two years, on payment of a bail bond of 6,000 thalers. He was forbidden to practice law and required to remain in Siegen under supervision. It was in this household — a disgraced lawyer under house arrest in a Westphalian town, the family finances shattered — that Peter Paul was born. The family returned to Cologne in 1578, where Jan died in 1587. Two years later, Maria brought her remaining children back to Antwerp, and Peter Paul grew up in the city as a Catholic. She had done her best to bury the Siegen years. He almost never spoke of them.
By the time this Genoa panel was being painted, between 1632 and 1635, the Thirty Years War I. Europe had been under way for fourteen years and was entering its most destructive phase. The conflict had not begun as a simple confrontation between armies: it had accumulated in stages, each one drawing in new powers and re-framing what the war was actually about, until what had started as a Bohemian constitutional dispute had become a general European catastrophe.
The trigger in 1618 was political as much as religious. The Defenestration of Prague — Protestant Bohemian nobles throwing two Catholic Habsburg governors from a castle window in May 1618 — was a piece of theatrical provocation that expressed deeper grievances: the Bohemian estates feared that the new Habsburg king, the ardently Catholic Ferdinand of Styria (1578–1637), would undo the religious compromises they had held since the Peace of Augsburg in 1555. The Bohemian revolt was crushed decisively at the Battle of White Mountain in November 1620, and Ferdinand, now Emperor Ferdinand II, re-Catholicised Bohemia by force. That alone might have ended matters. It did not, because the Habsburgs pressed their advantage, the Edict of Restitution of 1629 demanding the return of all Protestant church properties seized since 1552, which radicalised Protestant resistance across the Empire and brought in new belligerents.
Denmark entered the war in 1625 under Christian IV (1577–1648), hoping to protect Protestant interests and extend Danish influence southward; his armies were routed, and he withdrew under the Treaty of Lübeck in 1629, having gained nothing and lost much. Sweden entered in 1630 under Gustavus Adolphus (1594–1632), whose motivations mixed Protestant solidarity with geopolitical ambition: Swedish control of the Baltic coast required influence over northern Germany. The Battle of Breitenfeld in September 1631 — the first significant Protestant victory after thirteen years of largely Catholic advances — temporarily shifted the balance. Then, at Lützen in November 1632, Gustavus Adolphus was killed in the fighting, which robbed the Protestant coalition of its most effective commander at the moment of apparent ascendancy. The Peace of Prague in 1635 brought the German civil-war aspect to a nominal close, but the conflict continued because France, Spain, and Sweden all had interests that overrode any settlement the German princes could reach. What had begun as a religious war had become a dynastic and territorial one.
The human consequences were concentrated in the German lands, which served as the primary battleground throughout. The sack of Magdeburg in May 1631 — in which Imperial and Catholic League forces under Tilly killed the great majority of the city’s population, estimated at between twenty and twenty-five thousand dead — was understood across Europe as a demonstration of what the war had become. Armies lived off the land, which meant systematically stripping territories of food and supplies; famine and disease followed; entire regions were depopulated. By the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the German-speaking lands had lost between a quarter and a third of their population, some regions considerably more. Rubens was watching all of this, reading reports, and writing about it.
Rubens had been working as a diplomat and he was under no illusions about what that work had and had not achieved. From 1626 to 1628 he corresponded weekly with the French scholar Pierre Dupuy (1582–1651), Keeper of the Royal Library in Paris, and these letters are among the frankest documents he left. They discuss the war across Europe in a tone of increasing frustration. In August 1628, writing about Spanish trade policy, he observed that the losses fell not on the enemy but on the king’s own subjects: the friends perished while the foes endured. Between 1629 and 1630 he was in London as the personal envoy of Philip IV of Spain (1605–1665), brokering an Anglo-Spanish peace that had eluded both powers for five years. He succeeded, and was knighted by both Charles I (1600–1649) and Philip IV for his trouble. He returned to Antwerp in 1630, married the sixteen-year-old Helena Fourment (1614–1673), bought the Château de Steen in 1635, and began withdrawing from the diplomatic world he had come to find exhausting without resolution. The Genoa panels were painted across that transition: after London, during the Swedish phase of the war, as the Edict of Restitution was radicalising German Protestantism and the sack of Magdeburg was still recent. He was not painting in a vacuum.
The official catalogue entry for the Genoa painting, at the Musei di Strada Nuova, acknowledges some uncertainty in the title itself: the work is listed as Venus and Mars / Allegory of Intemperance, and recent scholarship has questioned whether the identification of the principal figures as the god of war and the goddess of love is as settled as older readings assumed. The alternative reading — a soldier seduced from duty by pleasure and wine, with destruction gathering in the background — is less mythologically specific but arguably more precise as a moral argument. Both readings are defensible, and they are not mutually exclusive; the painting’s power lies partly in its refusal to fix itself in one register.
What is settled is the distinctly contemporary note that Rubens sounds in how he has painted Mars. The god of war wears the costume of a Landsknecht, the German mercenary infantryman: immediately legible to any viewer in 1632–5 as a figure drawn directly from the ongoing catastrophe in central Europe, not from classical antiquity. The museum’s research has established that the face of Mars was not, as the old Brignole-Sale family inventories romantically claimed, a self-portrait of the artist, but reproduces with considerable precision the physiognomy of a member of the Antwerp patrician Van den Wijngaerd family, whom Rubens painted on at least two other occasions. Venus’s face was similarly attributed in those inventories to Helena Fourment; this is now rejected.
The foreground figures are built in the Titianesque manner Rubens had absorbed in Venice and through decades of copying: luminous, sensuous impasto, the surfaces worked to make skin seem to generate its own light. The Fury breaking from the shadows at the right is painted entirely differently — rapid strokes of brown and black applied directly onto the reddish-brown preparation layer, with none of the foreground’s careful richness. Pleasure is rendered with all the attention of seduction; destruction is barely a sketch, arriving too quickly to properly see, which is the point. The burning, depopulated landscape at the left completes the sequence. Bacchus, offering wine from a silver cup, adds an intemperance that is neither simply erotic nor simply martial: it is the stupefaction of a man who has stopped being able to think about what he is doing.
The painting belongs to a sequence of allegories on war and peace that preoccupied Rubens in the 1630s. Minerva Protects Pax from Mars (1629–30, National Gallery, London), painted during the London diplomatic mission and given to Charles I as a gift and argument, is optimistic; it still believes peace is possible. The Consequences of War (1637–8, Palazzo Pitti, Florence), made for Ferdinand II de’ Medici (1610–1670) after Rubens had retired from diplomacy, is much darker. In a letter of 12 March 1638 to the painter Justus Sustermans (1597–1681), Rubens described the later work with unusual directness, explaining each figure in terms that left no ambiguity about what he understood the war to be doing to Europe. The Genoa panel sits between these two, painted as the peace Rubens had helped negotiate was collapsing under the Swedish phase of the conflict. The seduced soldier looking away from his sword is, from that vantage, not a moral fable but something closer to a portrait of the present.
References
Chmelinová, K. (2014) ‘On the Consequences of War by Peter Paul Rubens’, Quart, 31/1, pp. 24–38. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/33988746 (Accessed: 1 October 2024).
Jaffé, M. (1989) Rubens: Catalogue Complet. Milan: Rizzoli
Büttner, N. (2018) Allegories and Subjects from Literature. Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, Part XII. 2 vols. London: Harvey Miller Publishers, an imprint of Brepols Publishers
Magurn, R.S. (ed.) (1955) The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
Beller, E.A. (1940) Propaganda in Germany during the Thirty Years War. London and Princeton: Princeton University Press
Duerloo, L. and Smuts, M. (eds.) (2016) The Age of Rubens: Diplomacy, Dynastic Politics and the Visual Arts in Early Seventeenth-Century Europe. Turnhout: Brepols
Musei di Strada Nuova, Palazzo Bianco (n.d.) Pieter Paul Rubens, Venus and Mars / Allegory of Intemperance, c. 1632–5, inv. PB 160. Genoa: Musei di Genova. Available at: https://www.museidigenova.it/en/pieter-paul-rubens-venus-and-mars (Accessed: 1 October 2024).
McGrath, E., Martin, G., Healy, F., Schepers, B., Van de Velde, C. and De Clippel, K. (2013) Mythological Subjects: Achilles to the Graces. Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, Part XI(1). 2 vols. London: Harvey Miller Publishers, an imprint of Brepols Publishers
McGrath, E., Martin, G. et al. (2022) Mythological Subjects: Hercules to Olympus. Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, Part XI(2). London: Harvey Miller Publishers, an imprint of Brepols Publishers
Wilson, P.H. (2009) The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press
Lamster, M. (2011) Master of Shadows: The Secret Diplomatic Career of the Painter Peter Paul Rubens. New York: Doubleday
White, C. (1987) Peter Paul Rubens: Man and Artist. New Haven and London: Yale University Press
Joos van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, Genoa
Joos Van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, Genoa
While Rhenish artist Joos van Cleve’s work was rooted in the tradition of earlier Netherlandish painters like Hans Memling and Gerard David, he broadened his style by incorporating various international influences. His familiarity with German prints, particularly those by Albrecht Dürer, his nuanced engagement with the Antwerp Mannerist style, and most importantly, his response to the Italian Renaissance—especially Leonardo da Vinci’s sfumato and Raphael’s balanced compositions, which he likely encountered during travels to France and Italy—made his art appealing to the international market. These influences enabled van Cleve to create diverse artistic styles, making his work highly sought after across Europe.
This private devotional piece was painted for a patron in Genoa, where local churches purchased at least four altarpieces from the artist. The harmonious and serene composition creates a tender, intimate atmosphere, featuring a graceful Virgin holding the sleeping Christ child in a natural, human-like pose. The artist’s technique includes the use of subtle, overlapping layers to achieve a smooth, enamelled finish, particularly noticeable in the skin tones.
The areas of green landscape and a branch with fruit were intended to contrast with the red glow of the Virgin’s cloak. However, 500 years of light exposure have caused oxidation of the green pigments, which now appear brown. Van Cleve also skillfully rendered the Virgin’s transparent veil, the gold accents of her red cloak, and the fur trim on her dress. The scene is bathed in clear light, revealing a detailed landscape through a window on the right, with small, precise brushstrokes depicting a traveller on horseback and distant blue mountains. A red marble column on the left symbolises the pagan world, contrasting with Christ’s sacrifice.
Joos Van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, GenoaJoos Van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, GenoaJoos Van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, GenoaJoos Van Cleve (c. 1485 – 1540 /1541), The Madonna and Child, Oil on panel, 61 x 45.5 can, Palazzo Bianco, Genoa
Unidentified Tournai workshop, Histories of Alexander the Great, c.1460, Tapestry, gold, silver, silk and wool, approximately 40 m/q, Salone dei Giganti, Villa del Principe, Genoa
Unidentified Tournai workshop, Histories of Alexander the Great, c.1460, Tapestry, gold, silver, silk and wool, approximately 40 m/q, Salone dei Giganti, Villa del Principe, GenoaUnidentified Tournai workshop, Histories of Alexander the Great, c.1460, Tapestry, gold, silver, silk and wool, approximately 40 m/q, Salone dei Giganti, Villa del Principe, Genoa
Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa is a rare example of sixteenth-century architectural ingenuity shaped by both necessity and civic symbolism. It occupies the site of a ninth-century religious foundation that was destroyed in 1398 during the violent clashes between the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. When plague struck the city in 1572, the Republic of Genoa vowed to rebuild the church in honour of the Virgin Mary.
The church was erected under the direction of the city’s architects Bernardino Cantone (1505–1576/80), Giovanni Ponzello (active mid to late sixteenth century), and Andrea Ceresola known as il Vannone (active c. 1580–1619) provided the designs, while the sculptor-architect Taddeo Carlone (c. 1543–1615) and his pupil Daniele Casella (active Genoa, c. 1590–1640s) oversaw the execution of its distinctive two-level structure raised above the loggia. Financial limitations prompted a highly unusual solution: a series of commercial shops was constructed beneath the elevated church, their rents financing the works. A grand staircase now leads from Piazza Banchi to the entrance, accentuating the building’s prominence above the surrounding streets. The plan follows a Greek cross, an uncommon choice in Genoa, crowned by an octagonal dome that asserts the church’s distinct identity in the city’s skyline.
The exterior portico preserves seventeenth-century frescoes traditionally attributed to Giovanni Battista Ghio (active Genoa, fl. 1627), including The Virgin Implored by the People of God on the left and God the Father with Saints Francis, John the Baptist, and Charles on the right. Other accounts ascribe the decorative architectural frescoes of the façade and vestibule to Giovanni Battista Baiardo (active Genoa, mid-seventeenth century), whose hand is recognised in the painted medallions with saints and angels around 1650. Rising above the portico, a clock and two slender bell-towers not only framed the façade but also regulated trading hours in the bustling loggia beneath.
Inside, the nave is ordered by Corinthian columns and enriched with elaborate stucco reliefs of the Passion and the Trinity by Marcello Sparzo (c. 1520–c. 1580), one of the most inventive Ligurian stuccatori of the late Renaissance. The main altar preserves a canvas of Saint Peter by Cesare Corte (1550–1613/14), while the cupola rests upon pendentives painted with the four Evangelists by Paolo Gerolamo Piola (1666–1724), heir to the great Genoese Baroque dynasty.
In the left chapel stands Andrea Semino’s (1526–1594) altarpiece of the Immaculate Conception, flanked above by frescoes of the Virgin’s glory painted by Giovanni Andrea Ansaldo (1584–1638). The sculptural programme here, with figures of saints in niches, was executed by Taddeo Carlone (c. 1543–1615) and his collaborator Daniele Casella (active Genoa, c. 1590–1640s).
Opposite, the right chapel dedicated to Saint John the Baptist preserves Benedetto Brandimarte’s (active Liguria, late sixteenth century) altarpiece of the Decollation of the Baptist (1590), a rare surviving work by this painter, together with further sculpted saints by Carlone and Casella.
In this interplay of painting, sculpture, and stucco, the church presents a compact anthology of Genoese art across the late Renaissance and Baroque, uniting the hands of painters, sculptors, and decorators over nearly a century.
San Pietro in Banchi is also linked to a more dramatic moment in Genoese history. On 25 February 1682, the composer Alessandro Stradella (1639–1682) was murdered on its steps, most likely the victim of a romantic dispute. This episode lends the church a human dimension that sits alongside its artistic and architectural significance, uniting devotion, commerce, and personal tragedy within a single urban landmark.
Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.Chiesa di San Pietro in Banchi in Genoa.
References
Whitfield, P. (2020) Historic Churches of Genoa: A Brief Guide. Genoa: Peter Whitfield